Revolution in South Asia

An Internationalist Info Project

May First: Maoist Parties Move Toward New International Movement

Posted by Mike E on April 30, 2011

Kasama wants to share the following announcement:

People want revolution

Proletarians want the Party of the Revolution

Communists want internationalism and a new international organization

This year’s May Day comes at a time of unprecedented protests and uprisings all around the world. In the Arab world and Persian Gulf, the youth, the proletarians and the broad masses took to the streets and toppled or tried to topple, one after the other, the dictatorial regimes subservient to imperialism.

In the heart of the imperialist countries, working class struggles, general strikes, rebellions of students and youth are opposing the policy of reactionary governments and the development of a modern fascism aimed at shifting the burden of the crisis on to the backs of the masses, bringing layoffs, job insecurity, intensification of exploitation and attacks on education, health care and basic social services.

Struggles and rebellions are ranging from China to the US, from Russia to Latin America. Particularly in Afghanistan and Iraq, imperialism, mainly U.S. imperialism, is suffering blows that prevent it from realizing its plans of occupation, invasion and geo-strategic control on important areas of the world. Its plans to sanctify Zionist occupation in Palestine through sell-out leaders have been checked.

People’s wars are the strategic reference for the proletarians and peoples of the world. The people’s war in India successfully withstands unprecedented attacks by the enemy and is able to expand and advance. The people’s war in Peru persists and recuperates. The people’s war in the Philippines advances. In Turkey, revolutionary struggles led by the Maoists advance along the people’s war strategy. In other countries of South Asia it is being prepared, for initiations and new advances.

In Nepal, 10 years of people’s war have created the conditions for the advancement of Nepali revolution. This revolution is now at a complex crossroads and must be supported against the counter-revolution waged by internal and external enemies as well as against the reformists who try to undermine it from within.

The protracted people’s war is necessary to defeat the enemy both in countries oppressed by imperialism and the imperialist countries themselves, according their own specificities. It represents a new and sharpening phase of the class struggle that expresses the revolutionary aspirations of the proletariat and the world peoples.

All this indicates that the main contradiction at the world level is that between imperialism and oppressed people, while the contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie and as well as inter-imperialist contradictions are sharpening. In the context of the spreading crisis, the revolution emerges more and more clearly as being the main trend in the current world.
The economic crisis of imperialism, far from being resolved, widens and deepens according to the laws of uneven development and as a result of the contention on the world market and the tendency towards a maximal extortion of surplus value. The “financialization” of the economy— the main immediate cause of the crisis — tends to reject any control. The use of surpluses from China’s, India’s and Brazil’s economies can’t ensure more than a temporary recovery, which opens the door to new and even more distressing crisis.

The struggling and uprising proletarians and popular masses demand the building of revolutionary parties at the height of the current clash of classes; and that process of organization is developing. We need communist parties based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism able to lead the class struggle in all fields and aimed at seizing the political power without which it is not possible for the proletarians to overthrow the capitalist and imperialist system. Maoist Communists strive to answer this need for a scientific and decided leadership for the proletarian class struggle, by fighting all kinds of revisionist, reformist and dogmatist deviations. Our class can rely on the huge amount of experience through 140 years of struggles and revolutions, from the birth of the Glorious Paris Commune through the peaks of the October Revolution, the Chinese revolution and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. We must learn from both our victories and defeats, as well as from our mistakes.
Within that wave of struggles, uprisings and people’s wars, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist communists should put proletarian internationalism into practice in order to unite proletarian struggles and those of the oppressed peoples against imperialism in crisis and remain firmly united with masse, as they make history.

Communists must achieve a new unity of the international communist movement based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and build the international organization that we need today.

Imperialism has no future!
The future belongs to communism!

  • Communist Party of Bhutan (MLM)
  • Communist Party of India (maoist)
  • Communist Party of India (ML) Naxalbari
  • maoist Communist Party, France
    maoist Communist Party, Italy
  • Maoist Communist Party, Turkey and North Kurdistan
  • Revolutionary Communist Party, Canada
  • Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)
  • Committee of People’s Struggle “Manolo Bello”, Galicia, Spain

2 Responses to “May First: Maoist Parties Move Toward New International Movement”

  1. I am exactly on this revolutionary line of the necessity of a true wide global New Communist International to represent the unity of the proletarian classes, a true reflection of the fundamental large unity representing the masses : workers, poor peasants, oppressed people and students and other mass revolutionary organizations such as women, youth, cooperatives, people’s open universities, Tribunal of People’s Permanent Power (T.P.P.P. started here in France, for condemning new capitalism dominated by fictitious capital-military-energy industrial complex creating war systems mass-migrations and mass unemployment and poverty on five continents etc… !)
    If you refer to our new Marxist-social-political-scientific analysis of domination of fictitious capital (since 1971-1979!), we are completing Marx, Lenin, Rosa Luxembourg, Stalin, Mao, Che Guevara, … and others who have important contributions but were all left uncompleted due to this lack of revolutionary analysis since Lenin’s Imperialism, higher stage in 1915/16, due to the theoretical vacuum left in Marxist system of capital accumulation theory for truly identifying the significant role of the fictitious capital in general (system of capital accumul. or in
    particular, when after 1971/79, it politically takes over and dominates the real economies, opening the new higher phase of neo-imperialism, in a similar way as Lenin identifies for the new imperialist phase after 1898, for the super profits (a category of fictitious capital together with participations and capitalist shares and stock markets taking a new huge share as Engels pointed out in a short note at end of unfinished Third Volume of Marx’s Capital ! This unfinished volume was left as such by all ‘Marxists’ since more than 125 years, what we have taken-up in a mass-project to complete and draw the good conclusions for the needed revolutions of our times in since 2000 and after 1997, when our theoretical poverty was well exposed by the great nosing-down of successful-important world communist revolutions being abandoned by the masses in the world! The masses have their other practical consciousness and political sensations that reflect a reality, we communists ignored since Mao’s out-cries : blasting ‘capitalist-roaders’ in Chinese Communist Party since 1966 ! ‘Bomb the head-quarters’ you can’t be more clear and more courageous than that, we neglected the deep significance for that especially after 1975, Vietnam’s imperialist defeat, marking in a paradoxical way our communist movements’ defeat and nosing-down instead of drawing better conclusions from 1966-1975 great revolutionary years’ great sacrifices offered by millions on this planet on five continents and as if we (the communists! )were deep asleep or blind-folded by great victories ! Nowadays, it is paradoxical that it’s in the mid-night that we start to see ! Why have we accepted to abandon Leninist Communist International since 1942-1943 ? Did we have a better revolutionary theory than Lenin’s imperialism then to abandon this absolute proletarian weapon against world capitalism, against world imperialism, recommended-constructed and used systematically by Marx, Engels, Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin, Mao, Ho Chi Minh, and desired by Che Guevara since 1960’s !

    What were the reasons to stay away from a revolutionary International since 1950’s/1960’s ? These are key questions to answer in order to grasp the dept of our stranding away from Leninism that ‘without a revolutionary theory a revolutionary movement cannot exist’ and therefore we were left without this revolutionary theory that caused our great defeats even after the heaviest sacrifices( in 1965-75 in Vietnam), as in Stalingrad (in 1943 by all communist oppressed people and great nations in USSR and in Korea and in China, followed by and in S. E. Asia and India, in S. America and in Africa and elsewhere ! )

    I sincerely invite you to contribute to our theoretical quest of completing the Fourth Volume of Capital, and to be able to draw in a more social-political-scientific way the rest of the road to follow, it will save us more time to go in this way rather than everyone in his/her way what The Fourth international had falsely theorized in the conditions of the lack of what was taking place after 1929, the rise of fascism based on and using the fictitious capital in order to challenge communism in the world ! Today we have found ourselves in a similar political situation, the new fascism using more extensively all fictitious capital categories in order to bury completely communism and all resistances to the new imperialism !

  2. Harsh Thakor said

    This topic is one of historic significance.Infact several of the comments although raise valid points reflect the looseness of the grasps of Marxist Leninst Polemics.True there may have been serious erors but we have to learn from the experiences of Marx,Lenin and Mao who made an immortal theoretical contribution but for which the Bolshevik or Chinese Revolution s would not have succeededor the partial victory of the G.P.C.R.The G.P.C.R made an immortal contribution to Marxist-Lenist practice inspite of serious errors where achievements were made unsurpassed in the history of mankind and the working class gained democratic power as never before.However the personality cult of Mao and left sectarian trends defeated it.What was needed was broader avenues for debate ,criticism and dissent .

    The Stalin era had gross errors with regartd to support of Chinese revolution,innocent party members killed,democratic opposition supressed but we cannot forget Com Stalin’s immortal contribution of winning the World War and saving the 1st Socialist Stae with no supportinmg Socialist Country.Infact but for U.S.S.R.the Chinese revolution would not have succeeded.Kasama very losely asseses Com Stalin morally claiming that revisonism started in the mid 1930′s and hardly understands the significance of Stalin’s positive line ,but for which Socialism would have been dead and buried with the encircling of Imperialist powers.

    Com.Mao ‘s theories can never be seperated from Marx and Lenin and it was Com Mao who dcefended Stalin as a graet revolutionaly who was 70 percent correct.Infact the views of several of the comments vaccilate towards Trotskyism.Infact the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement wa sinfested with such trends which helped defaet the Sendero Luminoso in Peru.

    In the era of Leninism we are attacking the very basic foundations of the I.C.M by finding fault with Lenin’s colonial thesis and study of Imperialism.Such theories were the bassi and foundation sof the Great Debate and the G.PCR and thus we can never seperate Mao’s ideolgy from Lenin’s.

    Today we are at a stage when the Communist Movement worldwide is at an embryonic stage and it is premature to form a new International.Struggling against such trends wa sthe very basis of the line propounded by the late Harbhajan Singh Sohi who wrote against the Deng-Hua cliques revisionist 3 worlds theory in 1979.Arguably India is still not prepared to wage a Peoples War.

    A very significant point was made by Stiofan when he reminds us that the C.C.P . even in the G.P.C.R.period never used the term ‘Maoism’ in place of Mao Tse Tung Thought.’This would be replacing the era of ‘Imperialism ‘ which Com.Lenin discovered with ‘Maoism.’MaoTse Tung Thought is a thesis but you cannot call it a new era in itself.Mao’s ‘continuous revolution under the dictatorship of the Proletariat was a development of Leninism to the highest level but not a new ism in itself nor was his military line of protracted Peoples War.

    Since the fall of proletarian power in the C.C.P. there is no Socialist base in the World. History remembers that despite the achievement of C.P.C under Mao ,the party did not go towards establishing he Communist International or establishing an International Organisation. Instead it stressed for he Communist Parties of the camp to apply he universal truths of Marxism-Leninism in the concrete situation of their country. It emphasized that other countries should not copy the Chines Experience to-to but apply the Chinese experience in accordance to their own condition.The main reason for the C.P.C’s caution was

    a .Imperialism was devising through its local regimes new forms of neo-colonial rule and only a native communist party could analsye and review such situations. An outside force could not grasp the concrete reality. Thus he necessity of political independence of each country’s communist party.

    b.Chauvinistic tendencies may develop under Communist Parties .The more developed and advanced may act chauvinistically and deliver big-brother treatment to the less developed or successful parties.

    c.The victory of a revolution in a country under the leadership of a Communist Party indicates that certain crucial contemporary problems of he revolutionary movement have been resolved by it ,and thus the experience can be passed on to Communist Parties of othe Countries.At presnt there is no such party in the World..The ideological political struggle against Oppurtunism withi the revolutionary Camp is fierce and bitter in each country.

    A dialectical process involving unity of Communist Parties is required. Mutual exchange has to take place Actual experience should be shared, which would pave the ay for more advanced form s of collective positions on issues and ralying of more forces worldwide. Mutual Exchange and Common stands,bilaterally and laterally,,and multilateral platforms on the basis of the general line are required.

    We have to defend the achievements in Socialist U.S.S.R from 1917-1956 and China from 1949-76 tooth and nail,inspite of errors and refute trends like multi-party system.I still wish some of the polemic writings on the International line by Comrade Harbhajan Singh Sohi were published in the Ksama debates which defends the proletarian revolutionary line.Today the Nepalese comrades have virtually capitulated to revisionism,the Peruvian revolution has received a major setback,the Indian Maoist movement (although the largest in the world)is vitiated with left sectarianism and possibly only the Phillipines Communist party is following the correct trend.

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