Revolution in South Asia

An Internationalist Info Project

Nepal’s Kiran: Pressing toward the seizure of power

Posted by Mike E on May 15, 2011

“We have now two main problems. They are:

    1. problems related to class struggle or national struggle and
    2. problems related to two-line struggle in the party.

“The problem concerning national struggle is related to the problem in correctly identifying the class enemy and the problem in effectively advancing the struggle against it. Now the reactionaries, on the one hand, are conspiring to convert our party- Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)- into a reformist and status-quoist party by pushing it to the grand parliamentary quagmire and should this plan fail, they are plotting to resort to suppression against our party, one or the other.

“We must understand this truth properly.

“In the same way, the two-line struggle in the party is getting complicated and this is also the expression of class struggle. We also must be serious on the issue of properly understanding the two-line struggle and advancing it in a comradely manner. “

The following is an extremely important statement concerning the direction of the Maoist revolution in Nepal. We urge everyone to study and consider this document, explore its context, and think through what it proposes.

This was presented as a proposal by senior vice-chairman Comrade Mohan Baidhya Kiran at the Central Committee meeting of the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) in April 2011.

This is a document of dissent — issued in contrast to the proposal of the Maoists’ chairman. Central to the discussion here is whether to focus on preparing for an insurrection or whether to present new proposals for resolving the existing stalemate over national constitution and the subordination of the national army.

Previously the CPN(Maoist) had adopted a political approach of ‘popular insurrection’ at the Party’s sixth extended meeting or plenum in November 2010(held in Palungtar within the Gorkha district).

By posting this here, Kasama is not endorsing political arguments or conclusions — but presenting documents and views essential for communists to understand and debate.

* * * * * * * *

by Mohan Baidhya Kiran

‘The immediate political proposal’ presented by comrade chairman in the Politburo meeting held on April 20, 2011 and also in the present Central Committee meeting is against the fundamental spirit of the political line adopted by the Central Committee meeting held soon after the Palungtar extended meeting. Expressing my dissenting opinion on Chairman’s proposal, I, therefore, would like to present a separate political proposal in this committee.

1. Two main problems at present

The country is now in a grave political crisis.

We have now two main problems. They are: problems related to class struggle or national struggle and problem related to two-line struggle in the party. The problem concerning national struggle is related to the problem in correctly identifying the class enemy and the problem in effectively advancing the struggle against it. Now the reactionaries, on the one hand, are conspiring to convert our party — Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) — into a reformist and status-quoist party by pushing it to the grand parliamentary quagmire and should this plan fail, they are plotting to resort to suppression against our party, one the other.

We must understand this truth properly.

In the same way, the two-line struggle in the party is getting complicated and this is also the expression of class struggle. We also must be serious on the issue of properly understanding the two-line struggle and advancing it in a comradely manner.

Now families of martyrs, families of disappeared warriors, and injured and disabled warriors are expecting from our parties to realize their aspirations and dreams of liberation. The entire Nepali people including workers, peasants, women, dalits (oppressed), janajaties [minority nationalities], Muslims and all backward people and classes as well as the international proletarian class, too, are watching at our party as a centre of hope for their bright future.

We must pay our attention to all these factors.

A true communist party and its leaders must seek scientific solution to these problems. Otherwise, the validity and justification of such leadership would automatically come to an end. We must be very serious on this issue.

2. On the Chairman’s proposal

The political proposal presented by comrade Chairman is against the fundamental spirit of the political line and policies based on the political proposal adopted by the Central Committee which was a continuation of the Sixth Extended Meeting of the Central Committee held in Palungtar.

In this connection, it is necessary to give due attention to the following matters:

In the first place, comrade Chairman’s proposal has rejected the political line adopted by the central committee convened as per the directives of the Palungtar plenum. The earlier political line of the party was rejected in the name of

“clarifying confusions in the political line and modifying the plans of actions in view of the new developments and changed context”.

On the one hand, comrade Chairman, in his proposal, has avoided the issue concerning the review of the situation emerged after the Palungtar Plenum and he has also reincorporated his own views in it. Herein has been used sophism against dialectic materialism.

Secondly, in the document on political line that was adopted after the thorough analysis of national and international situation by the Central Committee in accordance with the mandate of the Palungtar plenum, it was stated:

“The party has adopted the establishment of people’s federal republic as the immediate tactics. It has adopted a clear-cut policy of consolidating mass insurrection for the establishment of people’s federal republic or people’s republic through struggles from three fronts-constitution, peace and government-with priority to street struggle on the basis of four preparations and four bases.

“The party has also made it clear that it has to move ahead by consolidating the movement taking up issues of national independence, people’s supremacy and other burning issues directly related to the people including their livelihood.

“Now it is urgent for the party to act in practice by formulating concrete action plans on the basis of this political line”.

[Note by Kasama: The “Four Preparations” referred to are: 1. theoretical and political 2. organizational 3. mass struggle and class struggle 4. technical preparation.]

But the political proposal presented now has stated,

“As a part of four preparations and four bases, it is necessary to take ahead the process of army integration and rehabilitation and prepare a unified draft of the Constitution and take it to the people for debate, despite differences on some key issues including the ones related to state restructuring, governance structure and electoral system.”

It is clear that the proposed proposal does not match with the spirit of earlier report adopted by the Central Committee as directed by the Palungtar Plenum. This proposal has rejected the political line adopted by the Central Committee held after the Palungtar Plenum.

Thirdly, citing the intensification of conspiracy of imperialists, expansionists and reactionaries to break the peace process, dissolve the Constituent Assembly, impose tyranny on the people and seize the achievements of the “People’s War” and popular movement, the Chairman’s political proposal has stated the necessity to immediately integrate the army and prepare a unified draft of the Constitution to foil the conspiracy.

This logic is based on pessimistic and capitulationist thinking that considers reactionaries stronger than their real strength and sees only the negative aspects of the situation. This is monolithic thinking which is against the materialistic dialecticism that believes in the thinking that the political line and tactics should be adopted on the basis of concrete analysis of concrete situation.

Fourthly, this document does not contain the correct and scientific answer of the question as to why the revolutionary political line could not be implemented. In the report, the role of the main leadership for its failure to concrete on four preparations and four bases that was required for the mass insurrection has been described as the secondary one while ‘”rising factionalism, anarchy, confusion and suspicions in the party and antagonistic and separatist activities,” which are in fact, secondary factors, have been cited as the primary reasons.

Fifthly, comrade Chairman, in various parts of his report, has, as usual, raised three lines or trends in the party. But there are only two trends in the Party at present. The parliamentarism and inertia are not two separate trends but fundamentally one.

3. Some Ideological Questions

It is necessary in the present juncture to pay due attention to some ideological questions in order to develop the communist party into a new kind of communist party and to effectively advance the tasks of revolution.

These ideological questions are as follows:

Firstly, it is the question relating to dissecting one into two and integrating the two into one. This is the question that is related to intense struggle between dialectics and eclecticism in the ideological front and between class struggle and class coordination in the political arena.

The principle of dissecting one-into-two is based on dialectical materialism and integrating two-into-one is based on eclecticism and class coordination. In this crucial juncture, we must firmly stand in favour of dialectical materialism and class struggle and against eclecticism and class coordination.

The second issue is related to the relationship between imperialism and revisionism.

Engels had said that capitalist party or the party of elite workers was being developed in the first monopolized country, England. After that Lenin had also especially mentioned that capitalism had taken the form of imperialism which has resulted in the development of revisionist parties of the elite workers in different countries and it consequently resulted in split and fragmentation in the communist movement.

Now imperialism, which is the highly developed form of capitalism, has projected itself in a new form and cover. Against this background, the alliance between imperialism and revisionism is also being developed into a new form and colour. Factionalism, division and opportunism in any revolutionary communist party are the expression of this alliance.

True revolutionary communists must be alert against the alliance between imperialism and revisionism.

Thirdly, it is related to the question that seeks to turn the tactics of Constituent Assembly into the strategy. In the process of capitalist democratic revolution, proletarian class can present the tactics of Constituent Assembly and this can be viewed as a correct tactics as well. But we have to be alert to ensure that such tactics would not be allowed to turn into the strategy. This is so because reactionaries can utilize the Constituent Assembly for their own interests. If the Constituent Assembly slipped out of the control of proletarian class, it shall have no meaning and validity. In such a situation, a people’s constitution cannot be made from the Constituent Assembly.

The fourth question is related to the tendency of opposing revolutionary Marxism and advocating revisionism in the name of creativity, originality and newness. The history of international communist movement as well as Nepali communist movement has proved that all kinds of rightist and revisionists have been unleashing onslaught against revolutionary Marxism and Marxists in the name of creativity, originality and newness.

The revisionists describe revolutionary Marxism as old Marxism, dogmatism and conservative Marxism and in the same way they describe revolutionary Marxists as traditionalists, conservatives and dogmatists. Right from Bernstein, all rightists, revisionists, so-called neo-communists and all post-modernists have been doing exactly the same.

Many revolutionaries also get scared from this reactionary onslaught and it is necessary to be clear on this matter as well.

Fifthly, this is the issue relating to the understanding of liquidationism. The characteristics of the liquidationism is to abandon revolutionary ideology and communist party that is guided by revolutionary ideology and revolutionary political line and struggle and also to give emphasis on legitimate and legal actions in all fronts. It is also necessary to become alert to ensure that we are not going to be degenerated into liquidationism.

4. Brief review of situation after Palungtar meeting

The two-line struggle had reached a climax in the extended meeting of the Central Committee held in Palungtar of Gorkha district.

Finally, the meeting reached a conclusion with the mandate of transformation, unity and mass insurrection. In the central committee meeting held after the Palungtar plenum, a political document had been adopted by integrating positive aspects of the reports of comrade Prachanda and comrade Kiran on the one hand and decision had been taken to discuss the rest of the issues in appropriate forums and settle them in the next national congress or assembly. With the conclusion that it was necessary to establish a people’s federal republic and protect national independence and that the principal contradiction of the people of Nepal was with domestic reactionaries and Indian expansionism, the meeting had decided to make four preparations and four bases for the mass insurrection.

Similarly, a five-point formula had been adopted on the issues concerning two-line struggle. This kind of decision had rekindled a new hope and enthusiasm in the entire rank and file of the party and among the people. But concrete progress could not be made in the process of translating the political line into action.

Despite many complications, orientation (schooling) programmes, both at the central and local level, were held in different regions after the meeting. But situation was not favourable to move ahead with concrete plans. The implementation of the party’s political line was obstructed not only by those who had disagreement in it but also from a large section of those who had agreed on it.

In addition to this, the main leadership exhibited dual character of acceptance of the political line in words and objection to it in action.

Efforts were also made to create rift and create enmity among those who had agreement on the political line from top to bottom. Party Chairman demonstrated some example of dual characters by advocating mass insurrection with one section of the people and openly opposing with the others. He, on the one hand, said that Constitution writing was impossible and he, at the same time, said the Constitution would be written by midnight of May 28. Similarly, he said with one section of the people that the formation of people’s volunteers was a must and said with other people that this idea was bad. Not only this, he, on the one hand, signed a Seven-Point Agreement and helped form the government, while he tried to pull down the government by entering into the 12-Point Agreement. These are some of the dual characters and double standards of party Chairman.

It has proved that there has not yet been revolutionary transformation in the main leadership of the party. The main leadership is, therefore, responsible for the failure of implementing the political line of the party.

Analyzing the entire situation right from the Palungtar plenum, the following conclusion can be made regarding the main leadership.

  1. From class perspectives, the main leadership has ceased to trust the lower class but has started trusting the upper class or reactionary class and the trend of class uplifting has been strong in the leadership.
  2. Ideologically, it is oriented to eclecticism and anarchic evolution.
  3. Politically, it is moving from centrism to reformism and national capitulation. Special efforts are, therefore, necessary to take the ideological struggle to a newer height and reverse this trend.

Finally, what must be mentioned here is that comrade chairman has raised a question why the rule concerning the two-line struggle was not implemented. This is a serious matter. When ideological and political line is separated from the rule and principle of democratic centralism, this gives rise to a grave situation. This issue requires massive and intensive discussion.

5. Present political situation

Now , the process of imperialist globalization has been deepening in an swifter manner, on the one hand, while the competition among the imperialist powers has also slowly intensifying. The contradiction between imperialism and oppressed countries is the principal contradiction in the present day world. In addition to that, Asia, Africa and Latin America are the turbulent center of revolution and the revolution is the principal trend of the world at present.

At this juncture, the principal contradiction of the Nepalese people is with the domestic reactionaries under the leadership of comprador capitalism and Indian expansionism. The process of ingratiation and neo-colonialism has intensified in Nepal. Now there has not only been serious conspiracy against the process and objective of constitution writing through the Constituent Assembly but at the sometime our national independence is also under threat. In this situation, it is necessary to turn the existing political crisis into the revolutionary crisis, for which we must be serious.

At this crucial time, it is necessary to analyze the political situation mentioned in the political report presented by comrade chairman and discuss the conclusion made on the basis of this analysis.

In this proposal, it has been stated that the possibility of implementing the plan of utilizing the political crisis to turn it into revolutionary crisis by May 28 is getting impossible.

In the report it has been pointed out the possibility of constitutional vacuum after May 28 and it has raised the possibility of presidential rule or some kind of coup to be staged by the president. In view of this situation, the report of the chairman has made a conclusion on the necessity of army integration and preparation of the draft constitution. We need to be clear that the report of the chairman has neither objectively analyzed the situation nor has it made correct conclusion.

In fact, it is a capitulationist conclusion made on the basis of monolithic analysis of the situation. As a matter of fact, there would not be any constitutional crisis even if the constitution was not promulgated by May 28. It is so because the Interim Constitution has the provision that states that the Constituent Assembly would continue to exist until the new constitution is promulgated. If anyone tries to stage a coup violating the constitutional provision, there would be a possibility of stormy people’s revolution, which may create the situation that would pave the way for turning the political crisis into the revolutionary crisis.

The revolutionary forces need to give especial attention to utilizing this situation for mass insurrection. But comrade Chairman’s attention has never been directed towards this possibility.

In the same way, some responsible people, one the one hand, are deliberately blocking the process of constitution writing and they are, at the same time, spreading the rumour to confuse the people and convince them that constitution writing process has been obstructed by the Maoists, on the other.

In addition to this, some planned criminal activities like explosions, hooting the inmate inside prison, fatal assault on Energy Minister and shooting the staff of diplomatic mission of certain country have been carried out. These incidents are seriously linked with the issue of nationalism. Now the constitution writing is related not only with democracy but also with the issue of national independence.

In such a situation, the fury in the mind of Nepalese people against domestic and international reactionaries is deepening. People want to conclude the peace process in a revolutionary way, write the constitution through the Constituent Assembly and solve the problems related to people’s livelihood, for which they have established and accepted the UCPN-Maoist as the dependable and trustworthy party. If the constitution is not written and intensification of danger on national independence grows, it is certain that people’s fury would further intensify.

In overall sense, the objective situation for revolution and mass insurrection is still favourable. But subjective situation is weak and unfavorable, to some extent. Despite this, if we advance our tasks of unifying the party and the task related to four preparations and four bases, we cannot rule out the possibility of transforming the political crisis into revolutionary crisis and give the mass insurrection a practical shape within the predetermined time.

Hence, we, correctly assessing the revolutionary objective situation, need to pay special attention to the preparation of subjective situation.

6. Immediate Political Line, Policy and Action Plan

The principal political line of the revolution to be completed in a country like Nepal which is in semi-feudal and semi colonial state is and should be based on the grand objective of advancing to socialism and communism through the completion of new people’s democratic revolution. The new people’s democratic revolution to be completed in Nepal is based on the strategy of unifying patriotic, democratic and communist forces and also the general mass under the leadership of proletarian class against feudalism and imperialism.

To complete this type of revolution in the present unique national and international context, establishment of people’s federal republic, protection of national independence and resolution of fundamental problems related to the livelihood of the people are the subjects of principal political tactics of our party. This type of principal strategic tactics is closely related with peace, constitution and mass insurrection as their integral part.

The repression, counter revolution and the conspiracy of the reactionary forces to impose tyranny on the people cannot be resisted through capitulationist style like integrating armies and writing the status-quoist constitution. This can be done only by intervening from the government, mobilizing the people e on the streets and effectively advancing the exposure campaign and also by giving practical shape to the tasks concerning the four preparations and four bases.

Mass insurrection is not something that can be accomplished within the predetermined time. Instead it is based on the synthesis of objective and subjective situation. The logic that says the mass insurrection is not possible within the predetermined time is in no way meant for army integration in a capitulationist manner and promulgation of the status quoist constitution. The mass insurrection is possible in any circumstance and especial emphasis should be given for its preparation.

In this context, we need to move ahead in the following ways:

a. On Constitution

  • ‘People’s Federal Republic’ to be mentioned in the preamble of the constitution.
  • The report of the committee concerning state restructuring to be made its basis.
  • On the question of governance structure, the largest number of votes in the sub-committee to be made its basis.
  • Basic priority to be given to workers, peasants, women, oppressed, nationalities and the people belonging to backward areas including Mashes.
  • Constitution with the essence of anti-feudalism and anti-imperialism to be formulated
  • The party should draft a brief constitution based on these subjects and take it to the people

b. On Army Integration

  • Not to accept regrouping without deciding the modality
  • Security related policy to be formulated prior to the army integration
  • People’s Liberation Army to be integrated as a separate or mixed force and its command to remain with the People’s Liberation Army
  • People’s Liberation Army to be given the responsibility of border security force

c. On relation between the constitution and army integration

  • People’s Liberation Army to be established as the principal force for change in Nepal
  • Formulation of people’s constitution and army integration to be completed simultaneously

d. On government

  • The present government to be given continuity
  • Representatives to be sent to the cabinet on proportionate and inclusive basis

e. On Organizational task

  • Freeing the party from all kinds of wrong thoughts and trends like groupism and splitist trend, struggle to be launched to build a new type of communist party
  • In the local level, party, youth force, fronts and committees to be effectively organized
  • Mobilization of people, service to the people and the disclosure campaign to be made systematic and to be organized more effectively.
  • Considering the present national necessity, a united front of patriotic, democratic and communist forces to be created also in the central level.
  • The task concerning division of responsibility to be made more organized

f. On mobilization of people, service to the people and exposure campaign

The fundamental issues of this campaign are as follows:

  • Peace and constitution
  • Defence of national independence and sovereignty, annulment of unequal treaties and agreements including 1950 Treaty, resistance against external interference including border encroachment.
  • Campaign against killing, hooliganism and insecurity
  • Rs one million to be given to the family of the martyrs, disappeared warriors to be made public, appropriate relief to be given to injured and disabled fighters.
  • Campaign to control price hike and corruption
  • All old and new cases against the Maoists to be withdrawn

7 Responses to “Nepal’s Kiran: Pressing toward the seizure of power”

  1. mar-wey said

    This is what we want to hear(read).

  2. Kumar Sarkar said

    An exceptional political document in the new Communist movement with clearly defined objectives: “To complete this type of revolution in the present unique national and international context, establishment of people’s federal republic, protection of national independence and resolution of fundamental problems related to the livelihood of the people are the subjects of principal political tactics of our party. This type of principal strategic tactics is closely related with peace, constitution and mass insurrection as their integral part.”

    Now we know what should be the character of actions of solidarity with the Revolution in Nepal.

    Internationally, we are fortunate to have a leader like Comrade Mohan Baidya amongst us.

    Can any organisation take the initiative of publishing this document? We shall contribute towards the expenses.

  3. siva said

    Comrade Kiran irs right.
    Yet, it is not easy to mobilise the party behind the revolutionary line with Prachanda’s misguideed quest for power has made him side with the revisionist and opportunist line of Bhattarai.

    Much work needs to be done at grassroots level to consolidate earlier victories, regain lost initiative and revive mass enthusiasm.

    Nevertheless this is a most welcome starting point.
    Let us give our unreserved support for this line.

  4. ‘Nevertheless this is a most welcome starting point.
    Let us give our unreserved support for this line.’
    Thanks frirnd Shiva. Now we have started our vehicle. And it will not stop in the midway. We can do, We will achieve our goal.

  5. mar-wey said

    Hi, Is there any web site where can I “get” the, even a brief history; of UCPN-Maoist? If somebody want to post here, that will be much better. Thanks

  6. Friend Mar–Wey, you can find more and more recent informations about UCPN and two line struggle within the party on thenextfront.com Please checkoutit.

  7. Friend Mar–Wey, you can find more and more informations about UCPN and two line struggle within the party on this website: thenextfront.com Please check out it.

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