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Archive for September 1st, 2011

Basanta on line struggle in Nepal: we are “on the threshold of counter-revolution”

Posted by redpines on September 1, 2011

Basanta is a Central Committee member of the UCPN(M) as well as one of the party’s most prominent theorists. He released this statement after Baburum Bhattarai, a leader of the party’s most conservative wing, became Prime Minister of Nepal. It describes the recent history of the line struggle within the party, and argues that this struggle has reached a crucial and precarious juncture.

“Only by defeating this kind of counter-revolutionary thinking and trend, which is noticed in some of the comrades of our party, can the revolution be defended, the people’s federal republic be established in Nepal and the door of new democratic revolution be opened. To strive for this is the task of revolutionaries at present.”

Debate inside Maoists – an ideological struggle or bargaining for the posts

by Indra Mohan Sigdel ‘Basanta

A serious ideological struggle is going on in our party now. While saying so, it does not mean that there was no ideological struggle in our party before. It perseveres in a party; sometimes it is extensive and sharp and sometimes not. Moreover, it struggle does not always centre on only one issue; but on different issues depending on time and context. The ideological struggle in our party has now been manifested in two lines, Marxism or reformism, and it has centred on ideological, political and organisational lines. It is very much piercing and serious too.

Two-line struggle is the life of a party. It is also known as the motive force of a party. Struggle is the base of unity. Mao has stressed on transformation for a new unity to take place upon a new base. Unity is not achieved through compromise, higher level of unity is not achieved without transformation and there is no transformation in default of struggle. That is why, two-line struggle is said to be the motive force of a party.

After we entered into the peace process, the two-line struggle that had surfaced from our party’s Balaju Expanded meeting has been going on till today. In essence, the ongoing struggle is focused on ideological and political questions. However, its central expression has been in different forms depending upon time and context. From the Balaju expanded meeting to now, the two-line struggle in our party has developed through different phases, which can be mentioned in short as follows.

First, the phase of struggle against bourgeois working-style. Once our party entered into the cities after signing in the comprehensive peace agreement bourgeois working-style started to dominate in the party. Most of the leaders and cadres forgot their previous bases, the poverty-stricken countryside, rather started enjoying in big hotels, in the name of building cities a base of revolutionaries. The struggle, which was waged in Balaju meeting against the danger that the problem in working-style of that kind may become a cause to liquidate party’s revolutionary line and as a result the revolution, is noteworthy to mention here. However, the document adopted by Balaju expanded meeting was never distributed in the party to study and implement in practice. Why it happened so, is a serious issue to sum up in the days ahead.

Second, the phase of inner struggle to determine party’s new tactic. Subsequent to the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly, which declared Nepal a federal democratic republic, party’s tactic adopted by the CC meeting in Chunwang had ended. In that situation, the party must have adopted another tactic right away, but that did not happen. Party did not have any tactic almost all through a period of one year after democratic republic of Nepal was declared. In the situation when the old tactic was over and the new one was not taken up it was obvious for the party not to have any plan to go ahead except cycling around the parliamentary exercise. It was necessary for this situation to bring the ideological struggle to the fore centring on what should be the next tactic. There was a sharp and extensive two-line struggle in Kharipati Convention held on November 2008. Finally, elucidating that Nepal was still a semi-feudal and semi-colonial country and the federal democratic republic was a reactionary political system, party adopted a new tactic, People’s Federal Republic, to accomplish new democratic revolution. This tactic is still valid and is awaiting its execution.

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Stirring performance in Nepal: Bring the storm!

Posted by Rosa Harris on September 1, 2011

Defiant. photo: Eric Ribellarsi

She sang:

“We cannot surrender.
We cannot become traitors.
We cannot kill our own dreams.
We cannot give our arms to the enemy.
We cannot betray the revolution.”

This first appeared on the Winter Has Its End site for revolutionary journalism.

by Liam Wright

I lifted my eyes as I wiped a streak of sweat from my face.  The place was packed.  About a thousand people crammed into a theater meant to hold nine hundred.  The center aisle was filled with people perched on impromptu seats all the way to the back row.  Some stood peering through the entryway.  Up top, the balcony was filled to the brim as well.  And… it was hot.

We had traveled overnight out of the mountains, on an eleven hour bus ride to get to Butwal, a small city in the sweltering lowland Terai region of Nepal.  This city is an historic spot.  It is the place where the renowned Nepalese warriors, known as Gorkhas, defeated the British East India Company in 1816, maintaining Nepalese independence.

It seems only appropriate that we would come here, a place where Nepal had fought so decisively for sovereignty long ago, to see a performance organized by a section of the Maoist’s who want to fight to continue their revolution now.  The performance, Samana or Resistance, we were told was, “both a call to the people and a warning to our leaders.”

The whole way over I was excited.  I’d been mulling over this for a bit.  How would the Nepalese revolutionaries go forward?  How would they settle the debate over whether to dissolve their People’s Liberation Army or not?  Would they move to break through?  To go for power?  Or would those among the Maoists party’s leadership who want to consolidate a capitalist democracy win the day?

This program promised to give us a hint of how the revolutionaries among the Maoists planned to tell the people: “We’re going to move.  Be ready.”  We were told that the program is going on tour through forty-five places in all, each with a couple showings.  If each is overflowing like this, they were going to reach a lot of people.

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