Revolution in South Asia

An Internationalist Info Project

7 Point Agreement on Nepal’s PLA Integration

Posted by redpines on November 3, 2011

This agreement is a disaster for the people of Nepal and their hopes for a revolutionary future.

Bhattarai and Prachanda and other right-wing and reactionary parties in Nepal have decided to effectively liquidate the Maoist People’s Liberation Army, as well as the Young Communist League, another people’s fighting force.

 As Mike Ely and Eric Ribellarsi have argued, without a People’s Army, the people of Nepal will be unprotected from right-wing attacks, and the ravages of poverty, immiseration and displacement. They will be unprotected from India and Western imperialist nations have an interest in plundering Nepal’s human and natural resources. The gains that have been made by Nepal’s people and its revolutionary forces will also be in danger. 

The article originally appeared in the English version of The Red Star, a voice of the Revolutionary forces within the UCPN(M).

Seven Point Agreement (text)

Kathmandu November 3:

National consensus is a must to take the peace process to a logical end and complete the task of writing the new constitution.

So, as per the Comprehensive Peace Agreement 2006 and various other understanding between the political parties at different times, the following understanding has been reached to compete the remaining task of constitution writing and move forward as per the politics of national consensus.

1. Integration and rehabilitation of the Maoist combatants

a) Existing records of the Maoist combatants residing in cantonments will be updated.

b) The number of the Maoist combatants to be integrated will be 6,500 at the maximum. Integration will be done under a directorate of Nepal Army and 65 percent of the personnel of the directorate will come from Nepal Army while remaining 35 percent from the Maoist combatants. The directorate will have the mandate of carrying out development related activities, forest conservation, industrial security and crisis management.

c) Combatants of the Maoist army opting for integration will have to meet the standard norms of the security agency on an individual basis. However, the existing recruitment policy on age bar, educational requirements and marital status will be made flexible. In this regard, one level in the educational requirements fixed for a specific post of the security agency will be relaxed. Similarly, age bar has also been relaxed up to three years of the maximum age set for entry into the security agency.

d) The rank harmonization of the Maoist army opting for integration will be done as per the standard of the security agency. Integration of the Maoist combatants into the security agency will be done in such a way that it does not bring any negative consequences in the career development of existing officers and other ranks.

e) Maoist combatants opting for integration will get responsibilities in the security agency after completing bridge course and training.

f) All the weapons stored in cantonments will automatically come under the government´s ownership once the process of integration begins.

2. Rehabilitation of Maoists combatants

a) An alternative package of education, training and vocational opportunity will be provided to combatants opting for rehabilitation. Depending on the nature and timeframe, the cost of the package will vary from Rs 600,000 to Rs 900,000. b) Depending upon their responsibilities, the combatants opting for voluntary retirement and cash instead of the package will be categorized into four levels and those falling in the highest category will get Rs 800,000 while remaining three levels in the descending order will get Rs 700,000, Rs 600,000 and Rs 500,000 respectively. The amount will be made available in two tranches in two fiscal years. A formal decision to this effect will be made at a meeting of the Special Committee within two days.

3. Group division

The task of dividing the combatants opting for integration and those for rehabilitation will begin after the Special Committee takes a procedural decision in this regard within seven days and will be completed by Nov 23.

4. Formation of commissions as agreed earlier

a) As per the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, the bill on the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and the Commission to Investigate Forced Disappearances would be endorsed by parliament after building consensus in the spirit of reconciliation. These commissions would be formed within a month.

b) The legal cases of the conflict era would be looked into as per the letter and spirit of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and the Interim Constitution, 2007.

5. Relief packages for the conflict victims

Relief packages would be made available without discrimination to the kin of those killed and disappeared, maimed, displaced and those whose properties were damaged in the armed conflict. The relief packages to be distributed after the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement would be provided equally and without discrimination.

6. Implementation of past agreements and building an environment of trust

a) The UCPN (Maoist) would take an official decision to return the private and public properties seized by the party during the armed conflict to the rightful owners for their use by Nov 23. Due compensations would be paid to the owners for the loss caused by the seizure of properties.

b) The rights of the peasants would be guaranteed as per the letter and spirit of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, Interim Constitution 2007, and scientific land reforms.

c) The paramilitary structure of the YCL would be dismantled, while all the public and private properties seized by the YCL would be returned to the rightful

organizations and individuals by Nov 23.

d) Vehicles used by the Maoists and recorded at the Transport Management Department as per the earlier agreement would be regulated as per the existing rules and regulations by Nov 23. Unregistered vehicles would be seized.

e) The local administration would monitor – and enforce if necessary — the implementation of the agreement on returning the seized properties to the rightful owners. The political parties should cooperate with the government for its implementation.

7. Constitution writing and national consensus government

a) In order to take the ongoing peace process to a logical end and to complete the task of writing a constitution, the ongoing dialogues among the political parties will be continued. For that, a high level political mechanism will be formed.

b) The process of writing the new constitution will be accelerated. In order to make recommendations on state restructuring, a team of experts will be formed immediately on the basis of consensus in Constituent Assembly and the process of formulating a draft of the new constitution will be initiated within a month.

c) In line with the progress made in the peace process and constitution writing, the process of formulating a national consensus government will move ahead.
(Unofficial translation)

8 Responses to “7 Point Agreement on Nepal’s PLA Integration”

  1. Kumar Sarkar said

    Great betrayal!

    Prachanda and Baburam factions are able to steamroller their decisions on the party.

    The apparently flawed party organisational mechanism allows the Chairman:
    1. To interpret part line in any way he likes.
    2. He is not organisationally obliged to account for his decisions to the body that elected him.

    ‘Bourgeoisie is right inside the party’ and, at present, has the upper hand.


  2. Divash Sharma said

    The first division between revisionists and revolutionary plus sounds imminent. Now, there is possibility of a second division between revolutionaries and “the centrists”, the “Madhyapanthis” within a communist realm including the party, ideology and politics.

    Charu majumdar once said that “Ghrina Karo Madhyapantha, Churna karo Madhyapantha, Nipatkar Samsodhanbad”. (May be, I could have made slight mistakes in words as I have searched and found this quote in my memory box, but the message is exactly the same). In English, it means, the centrists who play between rightists and leftists are also revisionist and the revolutionaries should defeat them too. Badal-Gajurel-Biplav and other revolutionaries are for clear division between revisionists and revolutionaries, whereas the other side of the divide (I will not name now) sound pleading for keeping birds of different feathers together as long as there are some ventilation windows for them to throw out their grievances. Hence, a second division may happen.

    Anyway. the good outcome of this great debate is that weak or strong in organizational terms, the revolutionaries have started their forward march second time with clarity of purpose and determination in actions.

    I repeat Kumar Sarkar’s slogan above – LONG LIVE THE NEPALESE REVOLUTION.

  3. Kumar Sarkar said

    Elsewhere, in this blog, I raised the necessity of researching on the repetitive failures of democratic and socialist revolutions from China in the past to Nepal today. I maintained that there was a discernible ‘pattern’ in these failures. Below, I have presented an outline of my initial thinking on the problem:

    1. To re-examine the proceedings and discussions at the different congresses of the Communist International (CI) on the issue of the role of the colonial bourgeoisie in national liberation struggles in colonial countries.

    2. Lenin-Roy controversy at the Second Congress in 1920, in which M N Roy emphasized the comprador nature of the colonial bourgeoisie.

    3. The differentiation of the colonial bourgeoisie into a ‘nationalist’ and a ‘comprador’ section at the subsequent congresses.

    4. Mao’s development of the concept of New Democracy as a prelude to the socialist revolution, in the specific conditions of China.

    5. Subsequent copying by Maoists of the concept of New Democracy, mechanically, without examining any significant presence of the nationalist bourgeoisie in a specific country.

    6. To examine whether a nationalist development of any significant section of the colonial bourgeoisie is possible under imperialism.

    7. To remember that the original bourgeois democratic revolution took place in Europe as an independent development of capitalism, fighting against feudalism. An independent development of capitalism in the era of imperialism is not possible. The dominant section of the colonial bourgeoisie, i.e. the big bourgeoisie, inevitably compromises with feudalism and imperialism.

    8. New Democracy is not a substitute for bourgeois democracy; it is a prelude to socialist revolution and it must immediately lead to the latter.

    9. A section of bourgeois or petit bourgeois elements are attracted to the communist party by its slogan of ‘democratic revolution’. Whatever their subjective thinking may be, objectively they bring with them bourgeois ideology into the communist movement. They are champions of the so-called ‘theory of productive forces’. They use socialist apparatus to develop capitalism. They can never be allowed into the leadership.

    10. Personal charisma and academic qualifications are not necessary qualifications for communist leadership.

  4. siva said

    Dear Kumar

    1. To re-examine …. the role of the colonial bourgeoisie in national liberation struggles.
    The current situation seems a little different, there is no national bourgeois class with an anti-imperialist content. It may be a temporary phenomenon, but the national bourgeoisie have surrendered to their neo-colonial masters everywhere, except where they have become imperialists themselves, where they are busy making deals..

    2. Lenin-Roy controversy ….
    Roy has been falsified by subsequent experience in several countries. The colonial bourgeoisie has a dual nature.

    3. The differentiation of the colonial bourgeoisie into a ‘nationalist’ and a ‘comprador’ ….
    See response to 2.

    4. Mao’s …concept of New Democracy …in the specific conditions of China.
    It was not unique to China though. It is something applicable to many colonies and neocolonies. Like all else, not for blind copying.

    5. Subsequent copying .
    See response to 4.

    6. …nationalist development of … colonial bourgeoisie is possible under imperialism.
    Not likely in most countries, but one has to have an open mind on such matters.

    7. To remember that the original bourgeois democratic revolution took place in Europe etc.
    True. And the task of the Marxists is no to deliver the baby for any kind of bourgeoisie.

    8. New Democracy is not a substitute for bourgeois democracy…
    Very true.

    9. A section of bourgeois or petit bourgeois elements are attracted to the communist party by its slogan of ‘democratic revolution’. Whatever their subjective thinking may be, objectively they bring with them bourgeois ideology into the communist movement. They are champions of the so-called ‘theory of productive forces’. They use socialist apparatus to develop capitalism. They can never be allowed into the leadership.
    True. But what we have witnessed is also the seemingly ‘red’ leaders betraying the revolution. Mao once said that the ‘bourgeoisie are right inside the party’. So it is not only os the class origin, but also the degree to which ‘communists’ gave imbibed bouorgeois thinking.

    10. Personal charisma and academic qualifications are not necessary qualifications for communist leadership.
    Couldn’t agree less.

    Thanks again for your thought provoking comments.

  5. Kumar Sarkar said

    When Mao said that ‘bourgeoisie is right inside the party’, he was not saying that it was FATALLY inevitable. Hence, it is necessary to examine this problem in a scientific manner to identify its origins and development IN ORDER TO SAFEGUARD THE PARTY AGAINST SUCH MENACE.

    Bourgeois infiltration into a communist party is not the main issue. Degeneration of ‘red’ leaders to their opposites is only part of the problem. Encircled by feudal or capitalist environments, such degenerations are not totally unexpected.

    The issue is the presence of a coherent bourgeoisie inside the party. In a feudal or semi-feudal society, elements of constitutional democracy have been present in communist parties historically. It has been said that ‘Baburam Bhattarai has always been a reformist’ – why did he join the communist party and how did he come to the top leadership?

    The answer to the first part of the above question lies in the mechanical application of the concept of New Democracy in Nepal despite all humbugs of creativity. And the answer to the second part lies in the absence of an ideological awareness and structural mechanism in the communist party to safeguard the party against bourgeois leadership.

    New Democracy presupposes the significant presence of a nationalist section in the colonial bourgeoisie. Under imperialism this is a rarity. The Maoists in India recognise that the Indian big bourgeoisie is comprador. The bourgeoisie in Nepal is controlled by, or rather an extension of, the Indian bourgeoisie. Under imperialism comprador development of the bourgeoisie is a general rule.

    Hisila Yami in her article, “Women’s Role in the Nepalese Movement: Making a People’s Constitution” in the Monthly Review, in March 2010, writes in the concluding section: “Today class war is being waged in different forms. In short there is a big struggle between those forces wedded to the old feudal and comprador mode of production and those who are struggling for new nationalist capitalist mode of production as a stage on the road to communism.” Menshevism keeps repeating itself, this time as a farce! When the entire global capitalism is going through its worst crisis, Comrade Yami is dreaming of “new nationalist capitalist mode of production” in Nepal!!

    The dangerous substitution of New Democracy for the classical bourgeois democracy leads to capitalism, not to socialism. Hisila Yami and Baburam Bhattarai joined the communist party in response to the slogan of New Democracy, separated by a Chinese wall from socialism. And while declaring their war against “comprador mode of production”, Baburam signs the Bilateral Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement (BIPAA) with Indian comprador capital! Baburam Bhattarai’s and Hisila Yami’s demonstrate all the contradictions of a semi-feudal society in the imperialist era – they are not even national capitalists.

  6. siva said

    The bourgeoisie inside a communist party.

    Leaving aside what the likes of Bhattarai and Hisila Yami had in mind when joining the Maoist Party, we need to examine how others from different class backgrounds and with healthy attitudes got corrupted– and that may include Dahal.

    The course of the revolutionary armed struggle in Nepal was consistent with the New Democratic agenda. It is the achievements of that struggle that are sought to be undone today by the bourgeoisie of the UCPN-M.

    Along with the peace process came corrupting influences including temptations of power, the growth of the NGOs as a political force (or a substitute to mass politics).

    It is true that Mao did not refer to the presence of bourgeoisie inside a communist party as inevitable in any way.
    But the danger always existed of seeds of bourgeois thought striking root inside the party. Constant struggle and rectification measures are necessary in the context of a global environment dominated by capitalism and a local climate where feudal attitudes still exercise hegemony.
    Carrying out the revolution in stages in necessary in many contexts in order to consolidate victories achieved by the revolutionary forces through a broad-based united front.
    Moving to the next stage needs not only much preparation (since a majority is still not clear about the aims of the new democratic revolution) but also great caution against the risk of complaisance on the part of revolutionaries.
    There is the danger of some seeing the completion of a stage or an essential part of it as an end in itself. They need not be of bourgeois or petit bourgeois origin to do so. Lack of thorough political education and understanding leaves every cadre vulnerable.
    The dominant ideology in a backward semi-feudal country is a mix of feudal and capitalist thought, with the latter very much conditioned by imperialist and regional hegemonic thinking.
    Every revolutionary has to be constantly on the alert to (i) cleanse his/her mind of reactionary ideology and (ii) avert the influence of reactionary hegemonic ideology on his/her thinking.
    The sad thing about Nepal is that the tragedy befell it when the new democratic revolution was far from establishing worker-peasant power across Nepal.

    There is always a compromise between numerical strength and political quality.
    Yet, admitting people with bourgeois attitudes into a communist party brings with it a serious risk. (We know how the old left in India and notably Sri Lanka suffered as a result of giving prominence to members of the elite classes for reasons such as academic brilliance, popularity and campaign skills; and of course unholy political alliances).
    It is in the process of revolutionary struggle and through a process of reeducation through criticism & self criticism that people fully liberate themselves from reactionary thinking.

    It is for the Nepali Maoists to figure out what went wrong. The history of the movement has to be meticulously reviewed based on criticism & self criticism.
    Others can contribute to the understanding of events, based on their own understanding and experiences.
    But the debate cannot be postponed.

  7. Kumar Sarkar said

    Siva said: “Leaving aside what the likes of Bhattarai and Hisila Yami had in mind when joining the Maoist Party, we need to examine how others from different class backgrounds and with healthy attitudes got corrupted– and that may include Dahal.”

    Bhattarai and Yami did not ‘sneak’ into the party. Nor did Prachanda. They joined with honest intentions of ‘fighting for socialism’.

    This fight for socialism has included in its agenda a program for democratic revolution in a feudal country like Nepal. In theory, it is a prelude to socialism. In practice, it is unable to go beyond democracy.

    The problem needs serious investigations, if we are to avoid future disasters, using the tools of scientific socialism and not relying on fate or “a process of reeducation through criticism & self criticism that people fully liberate themselves from reactionary thinking.”

    The thinking is reactionary because it is a feudal or semi-feudal environment. And unlike Europe in the 1840’s, from which the ideas of democratic revolution emerged, it is an era of globalised imperialism. And for this era, there is no hitherto prescribed path or practical experience to advance to socialism.

    There is no socialist camp today to help the nationalist bourgeoisie, if they now exist anywhere, as some did around the Bandung Conference of 1955, to LEAD the fight against imperialism in the absence of a significantly strong worker-peasant alliance.

    Accepting a significant nationalist bourgeoisie or its influential elements, if they exist, in a worker-peasant alliance, is to neutralise them as a force via completing the incomplete or even hitherto uncharted democratic tasks under the leadership of the alliance in New Democracy.

    In Nepal today, the bourgeoisie is insigificant and comprador. Self-styled nationalist elements in the Nepal Congress align themselves with the Indian bourgeoisie, of which the big section is comprador, demonstrating once again that development of nationalist bourgeoisie anywhere today is impossible under globalised imperialism.

    Bhattarai has been advocating a ‘sub-stage’ in the democratic revolution in feudal Nepal in order to develop capitalism independently, which is a mirage, when global capitalism is going through its worst crisis. If I remember correctly, he explained this strategy in an article in the ‘The Worker’ No 10; unfortunately I cannot give the reference just now.

    In his latest contribution on the subject of the strategy for the Nepalese Revolution, in Singapore, Bhattarai has to say the following:

    “There is general agreement in the Maoist radical democratic camp that principal impediments to social progress in present-day Nepal are the feudal remnants in different spheres of society, economy and state. Hence the UCPN (Maoist) has identified its principal immediate task as the completion of the bourgeois democratic revolution. Furthermore, the party has already declared its commitment to multi-party competitive politics, periodic elections, freedom of press and assembly, rule of law, human rights, etc, which are considered inalienable features of liberal democracy. The party’s only insistence has been that this political democracy should be grounded on concomitant democracy on economic, social and cultural fronts so that the basic masses of workers, peasants, women, dalits and people of oppressed nationalities and regions, too, can avail the real fruits of democracy. For this, certain specific measures to ensure the real participation of the basic masses of people in the state organs should be enshrined in the very constitution. As A.D. Benoit has rightly said, “The highest measure of democracy is neither the ‘extent of freedom’ nor the ‘extent of equality’, but rather the highest measure of participation”. Similarly, fundamental rights to education, health, employment, food security, shelter, etc., should be guaranteed to every citizen by the constitution.”

    So the comprador bourgeoisie of Nepal and worker-peasant alliance -“both sides have more or less unified understanding about the need to sweep away all feudal remnants and complete the democratic revolution”!!!

    Infact, Bhattarai has changed the characterisation of the Nepali Congress, conveniently, as follows:
    “The liberal democratic camp led by the Nepali Congress, however, has so far not exhibited much ingenuity and flexibility to develop a realistic model of democracy suited to the specific conditions of the country, apart from harping on the traditional model of parliamentary democracy of the Westminister type. The prolonged deadlock over the form of governance, whether the presidential or the prime ministerial system, is its direct manifestation. Since both sides have more or less unified understanding about the need to sweep away all feudal remnants and complete the democratic revolution, it would be prudent to unitedly develop a transitional model of democracy incorporating the positive features of both liberal and socialist/people’s democracy.”

    Previously, as far as I remember, the “sub-stage” was supposed to be led by the worker-peasant allaiance. Since then Bhattarai has moved frther to the right – including the Nepal Congress, which is no longer comprador but elevated to the level of the leader of “The liberal democratic camp.”

    Bhattarai honestly believes that he is a socialist but he is essentially a bourgeois democrat, accepted in the highest ranking leadership of a revolutionary communist party. There are scores of similar examples in the revolutionary communist movement in the feudal/semi-feudal countries.

    Attempts to use yesterday’s solutions to solve today’s problems are creatig havoc. Let us re-examine our concept of democratic revolution in feudal or semi-feudal countries UNDER IMPERIALISM.

  8. siva said

    Re Kumar’s observation,
    I said “It is in the process of revolutionary struggle and through a process of reeducation through criticism & self criticism that people fully liberate themselves from reactionary thinking”, and not the latter in isolation. There can be no wishful thinking in this regard.

    I agree with Kumar that the national bourgeoisie hardly exist as a political class anywhere today. The defeat of the national bourgeoisie since late 1970s by resurgent imperialism and the process of globalisation has eliminated them as a class in places and reduced them to collaborators with imperialism elsewhere, sometimes under protest, often meek.
    Under a state which is confronting imperialism as in the case of Venezuela, for example, the entire bourgeoisie are marking time. It is the general anti-US imperialist resentment and popularity of the governments concerned that are holding back the bourgeoisie from openly siding with imperialism.

    The situation in Asia and Africa are worse.
    Thus reliance on a national bourgeoisie at this juncture is futile, although there is always the case for the strongest possible broad-based alliance with workers and other toiling masses in the lead.

    There have always been people with a socialist objective joining revolutionary left parties. But at critical moments the reformist socialism that they had in mind lets them down.
    My question is whether Bhattarai and Hisila Yami ever changed their stripes. If they had the same kind of ‘socialist understanding’ all along, why did they join the Maoists?
    Did they have a secret agenda?
    What explains Prachanda’s conduct?

    I hope that forthcoming debates will produce some answers.

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