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Remembering Kishenji: “The question of power must be foregrounded”

Posted by redpines on December 8, 2011

Maoist-affiliated tribal women in India - Taking Marxism to the masses

The following is a thoughtful and moving testimony to CPI(Maoist) leader Kishenji, who was recently murdered by Indian state forces. It presents other movements, like Zapatismo, the occupy movements and the Arab Spring in rather orthodox terms, but also argues passionately in defense of armed struggle in the Indian context.

The piece originally appeared at Sanhati.

Kishanji: Not Just Another Martyr

By Saroj Giri

Kishanji is not just a fighter against oppression, a brave and courageous soul. He presided over something unique in the history of resistance movement in the country – and maybe he was not even so aware of it. Several forms of resistance seem to have come together in his leadership – synchronizing armed fighting power of the people with open rallies, processions and demonstrations. If one is really serious about democratic mass upsurges then one cannot wish away ‘strategy’, the ‘use of force’ or ‘armed resistance’; that the life-veins of mass struggle extend into the zone of armed resistance – these otherwise old Leninist lessons were restated, reasserted, renewed afresh in the life and activity of Kishanji.

It is in this sense that Kishanji in a way rehabilitated the status of both mass movements and ‘military strategy’ within the left. The left today is prone to reject anything to do with discipline and military as just some kind of right-wing, fascist obsession. Philosopher Slavoj Zizek points out that, against the ruling ideology of hedonistic permissivity, the left should “(re)appropriate discipline and the spirit of sacrifice: there is nothing inherently ‘Fascist’ about these values” ( Kishanji’s contribution stands out here –raising great fear and alarm among the ruling classes who hunted him down.

This is a crucial contribution at a time when the left is suffering from ‘loss of strategy’, when mass demonstrations at Tahrir Square or the Occupy Wall Street seem to hit a dead-end, simply tiring itself out, or unable to withstand state repression. Some might say that the militant mass demonstrations in Jangalmahal ended with the Maoists ‘taking over’ in June 2009. Instead this ‘taking over’ was nothing but the much needed backbone of the mass movement, able to now express itself as an organised force with a strategy.

This is the first step towards seeking clarity about the class struggle, defining what Marx in the Communist Manifesto calls a ‘line of the march’ for the movement as a whole – apart from being able to withstand the armed might of the state. Not that the Maoists have gained major success here but they have got some of the basics right. The usual story of mass activities and rallies frittering away after the initial upsurge did not therefore repeat itself here. The mass movement continues in many new forms. In fact, a new mass women’s formation, the Nari Izzat Bachao Committee has come up even as big rallies like the August 2010 mass rally attended by Mamata and Swami Agnivesh continue – unless banned or ‘denied permission’ by the government.

Such is Kishenji’s contribution, with something original – not just some bland ‘sacrifice’ or ‘martyrdom’ which Maoists themselves so often glorify. Maoists must guard themselves from this entrenched habit of not seeing anything specific or original about its leaders and painting them all in this barren seriality of ‘yet another martyr who heroically sacrificed his life for the revolution’. Otherwise the movement will be going round in circles, will stagnate in spite of the dynamism of its concrete practice.

Perhaps we can here identify something like a ‘Jangalmahal model or path’ of the Maoist movement, which can be compared to say the ‘Chattisgarh model or path’. There are many problems with talking in terms of ‘models’. And yet the specificities of the movement in particular areas must also be grasped so that we do not club all experiences and forms as one and the same. Otherwise, we are not learning anything new, not synthesizing, not learning from practice but endlessly repeating a set formula. Kishanji stands out in this respect. We do not know whether he also made conscious formulations about the specificity of the movement in Jangalmahal model (like a Hunan report?) but his concrete practice brilliantly shines forth.

Just in the month of September, Varavara Rao, myself and comrades from Kolkata had made a ‘fact-finding’ (for want of a better term) trip to Jangalmahal. We could not meet Kishanji but witnessed the atrocities committed by security forces and the private armies (bhairav bahini). I talked to a very young adivasi comrade, deep inside a village off Jhargram town: a member of the armed squad. I asked him if he had met Kishanji. He said yes. Then he said, that he cannot follow all that Kishanji says in meetings. Then I asked him if he heard of Marxism from Kishanji (I was curious). ‘Yes Kishanji talks about Marxism, but I find it very difficult to follow’. Then I ask him what has he understood of Marxism, what is it? I think he felt cornered but after some reflection came with a reply: it is something very good but some people have spoiled and distorted it. ‘We guerillas are fighting such people’.

Those like Kishanji have taken Marxism to the masses when doing so immediately means ‘organising’, planning, strategizing, taking the struggle ahead and putting yourself in the line of fire. Kishanji’s daring is not ‘speaking truth to power’, in postmodern Zapatismo-style, but making power come out of its democratic garb exposing its lies and falsities, including its violence to which our man fell.

I find it a bit of an enigma that Kishanji never put away his gun when on camera – one can prominently see it and so he is clearly not bothered to play the democratic card of being democratic, peaceful and so on. He talks nothing about the gun, no glorifying violence and so on, as some would pathetically expect. Instead he talks about a meticulous patient fight for real democracy and power to the people ( So why is the gun so visibly present, slung on his shoulders, surrounded as he is by curious journalists in his own camp? It can only mean that he had no pretense here of liberal bourgeois leaders of being non-violent and democratic, even as they preside over huge standing armies, hidden away.

Here we are only traversing a key insight of Marxism – that the question of power must be foregrounded, hence no point playing games that there is no power in society, no class power, no armed power, it is all democracy and free competition and so on. That is why Lenin would say that socialism is not a better or true radical democracy (this would have sounded respectable and acceptable to all), but the dictatorship of the proletariat – this is far more honest that saying that there is democracy for everyone even though it is really class dictatorship. If you feel kind of uncomfortable in whole-heartedly supporting Kishanji because of his gun then you might be uncomfortable with a key insight of Marxism itself – this is the double bind he throws us in.

Kishanji was not the man of ‘its blowing in the wind’ but precisely of another Bob Dylan song. He is the man of ‘the hour when the ship comes in’, one who must have imagined that he is fighting to usher in this grand hour, perhaps even when ‘the answer might not be blowing in wind’:

For the chains of the sea
Will have busted in the night
And will be buried at the bottom of the ocean

Oh the foes will rise
With the sleep still in their eyes
And they’ll jerk from their beds and think they’re dreamin’
But they’ll pinch themselves and squeal
And know that it’s for real
The hour when the ship comes in

Then they’ll raise their hands
Sayin’ we’ll meet all your demands
But we’ll shout from the bow your days are numbered


30 Responses to “Remembering Kishenji: “The question of power must be foregrounded””

  1. Harsh Thakor said

    Whatever the difference in the tactical line we all have to recognize the Maoists as the most genuine revolutionary force in India.Comrades like Kishenji exhibited death-defying courage and their names should be written in letters of gold.The Maoists have not developed the correct line with regard to relationship with mass organisations or have developed the correct military line which is still infected by the Charu Mazumdar trends but have to be given credit for fighting like Tigers against all the odds.To have survived for 30 years is a historical achievement comparable to the the Chinese revolution .Even forces outside the Maoist camp recognize this.They have arguably proved to other groups that there is no alternative to armed struggle,whatever their left adventurist deviations.They need to rectify their errors combining the idaes of Comrades like the late Nagi Reddy,D.V.Rao or Com.Harbhajan Sohi.The C.P.I.Maoist resembles the Shining Path in Peru of the 1980’s led by Com.Gonzalo before their setback.

    Red Salutes to Comrdae Kishenji!He laid his life down for the emancipation of humanity at large.The rallies in his memory reverberate the deep feelings in the masses for a revolutionary change.

    Some lessons of the massline could be taken From Gunadhar Murmu’s struggle in the 1970’s and the 1980’s to develop mass revolutionary line in the agrarian and tribal front in Debra.It is heartening to know that the C.P.I.(Maoist)is rectifying the errors of the Charu Mazumdar line and leading rallies and mass movements.They still need to imbibe teachings of Coms like T.Nagi Reddy and make a proper criticism of the Charu Mazumdar line.

    It is worth reading the volumes published by the Tarimela Nagi Reddy memorial Trust on the History and polemics of the Indian Communist Movement from 1964-72 with particular light of the writings of Com T.Nagi Reddy and of the Andhra Pradesh Co-ordination Commitee of Communist Revolutionaries on the Naxalbari and Srikakulam armed struggles.Unfortunately the C.P.I.(Maoist)does not recognize the revolutionary contribution sof ComNagi Reddy and D.V.Rao and have not made a complete critical analysis of the Charu Mazumdar line oir that of Kanhai Chatterjee.

  2. Kumar Sarkar said

    “volumes published by the Tarimela Nagi Reddy memorial Trust on the History and polemics of the Indian Communist Movement from 1964-72 with particular light of the writings of Com T.Nagi Reddy and of the Andhra Pradesh Co-ordination Commitee of Communist Revolutionaries on the Naxalbari and Srikakulam armed struggles”

    Can you please advise me if these writings are in English and, if so, how I can obtain them?

  3. RevI said

    As far as I can remember, Maoists previously made a mass organization named AIPRF and that is functioning. But, when both the Center and the State Govts are showing their red eyes with modified UAPA, just tell me how it can be possible to do even the minimum level of organizational work for the Maoists?
    What Maoists have done is to start an armed struggle which is very much important now and I don’t know any revolutionary organization that are capable of armed struggle and mass movement side by side in the whole world today at present.

  4. Kumar Sarkar said

    It is probably improper to comment on any armed struggle from 5000 miles away! But I note that in Lalgarh armed struggle and mass movement were running side by side. What I fail to recognise, from abroad, if the CPI(Maoist) has an all-India strategy that takes into consideration the uneven socio-economic developments In India. To simplify, there are probably three kinds of regions: (a) Regions with land reforms completed, (b) Regions with almost unchanged feudalism and (c) Tribal areas, where production relations are older than feudalism. And then there are the urban areas.

    The revolutionary process that has unfolded in the tribal areas is likely to resonate soon in the areas of (b), creating their own dynamics. How will that be tackled? And, how the regions of (a) will be treated? And, finally, what role is for the urban areas?

  5. RevI said

    The problem is, to most, mass movement and armed struggle are two opposite poles and most are just unable to understand that they can go side by side. Yes, I too know about a lot of social activity going on in the Lalgar are during the movement. Roads, hospitals and other welfare means had been built. But, the so-called free media totally ignores this aspects of the movement and now they joined the state.
    But, there is problem regarding how to organize workers in the urban area as being a banned organization.

  6. marwey said

    “The problem is, to most, mass movement and armed struggle are two opposite poles and most are just unable to understand that they can go side by side. ”

    “I don’t know any revolutionary organization that are capable of armed struggle and mass movement side by side in the whole world today at present.”

    I must not have read the detail of other nation’s PPW that i only encounter these statement now. Its already on my mind that every people’s war has a armed & mass (unarmed) struggle component going side by side. (?)

  7. Kumar Sarkar said

    I used the phrase “side by side” wrongly – a guerrilla war practised with a ‘mass line’ becomes a people’s war, as I understand it…….I leave it to the comrades on the ground, they know best what is approipriate and practicable in a given situation.

  8. marwey said

    Or . . . . . has something to do with the stages of the certain revolution? like on the early stage, both component is a must but different story on the finals.

  9. Green Red said

    Thanks Kumar trying to clarify the existing confusion.

    @Harsh Thakor: Hi friend. I strongly suggest you (and others) to review Jan Myrdal, an old faithful Maoist from Sweden’s interviewing Chair Ganapathy that can be found in Indian Vanguard, other places including:

    Click to access 1-In%20Conversation%20with%20Ganapathy.pdf

    Yes, when unforgettable great comrade Charu Mazumdar was alive, other forms of mass organizations and struggles were not in agenda for which for example Ganapathy remarks in above interview that:
    – – – – – – – – – – –
    Comrades, in 1980s the Party was trying to emerge from a setback. It was trying to reorganize and consolidate. On the one side, there was the problem of sectarianism and on the other hand, the mass base was largely lost. So we had to revive every thing both in terms of mass struggle and military. Accordingly, our tactics also changed. At that time it was mainly the anti-feudal struggles and the anti-imperialist propaganda-agitation that had been launched to create an anti-state opinion and open movements in the urban areas.
    Previously, under Com. Charu Mazumdar the line had been to disregard mass organizations. Later we rethought and after going through an intense self-critical review, we acknowledged that there were some mistakes in the earlier years and on that basis, in order to advance, we rebuilt the movement. The Self-Critical Review was made in 1974, it was by 1977 August that forces within the party were convinced. And in practice it was reaffirmed by Party AP State Conference in September 1980 that marks the beginning of a new practice.
    – – – – – – – – – – – –
    But as you will be able to see various factions of the old CPI (ML), some in accordance with inside Chinese CP and other changes went to far left and also many to right opportunism and, hence disregarded strategic goal of the party and reduced it with tactical reformist demands and single issue matters, be it women, Dalit (untouchables) rights, national matters and so forth without calling for revolutionary people’s war to tear down the system, some groups under such great leaderships especially both Ganapathy and late, great comrade Kishenji learnt to combine both sorts of struggles to fight both along with the masses and also, recruit the people and bring them into people’s war to, away from solely reformist groups lead the people to complete at some point in future, the establishment of new democratic revolution. Two factions one, People’s War group of Ganapathy and friends and, MCCI (Maoist communist center of India) through many years of struggle mostly parallel in different states and, in one unfortunate case in Bihar mistakenly confronting each other, (dark page of their history now called) learned how to survive and advance and, in 2004 formed this great party that is sadly uncomparable with cases of “Fourth sword of Marxism) when leader arrested revolution gets practical great setback of, Prachanda Path and alike. And for these very struggles Kishenj fought hard ALONG WITH THE MASSES in Lalgarh and, while his loss is heart wounding and his name must be written on Red lines (rather than gold, sorry for that friend) but, please see friend, that limit of Cheru Mazumdar’s time has in the least on a very large scale resolved unless, one fails to see the Lalgarh struggle as the struggle of masses of extremely oppressed people in defense of their historical land and compare it with military confrontations and ambushes with the police rather than say, forming the People’s Governments (J Sarkars) for example in DK (forest of Dandakaranya) History is well and detailed told in such interviews, please review. thanks

  10. Harsh Thakor said

    Thank You Green Red .I appreciate your critical comments and interest .

    please refer to

  11. Green Red said

    Thanks Harsh Thakor. Considering the dates of those articles that I looked upon i have no comment in their regard. 3 world theories and all those past confusing alignments with from RIM up to inside China tendencies are not the immediate issues of CPI Maoist at all. (At least they claim) those matters have been resolved and, they have also overcome limits late Charu Mazumdar had conveyed upon CPI ML then. And in schools and other places they do have mass fronts and organizations and, their corresponding magazines and newspapers (of which late Kishenji used to serve in their editing). The more difficult task nowadays is to execute the many serious valuable tasks they presented in their “Urban Perspective” congress resolution. Why not put a direct focus and encouraging sentiment in that direction dear beloved comrade?

  12. Kumar Sarkar said

    Can someone send me a copy of the “Urban Perspective” congress resolution of the CPI (Maoist)?

    Also, any comments/discussion on the following:

    India was deindustrialized in the 18th – early 19th centuries. Following that, colonialism succeeded in preventing the growth of a national bourgeoisie capable of leading a democratic revolution and industrialization. Emerging bourgeois forces were not independent, and they compromised with Brahminic ‘feudalism’ instead of smashing it, as it happened in Europe during the ‘classical’ bourgeois democratic revolution.

    The product was a predominantly comprador bourgeoisie, often still with feudal roots and a strange mixture of bourgeois-Brahminic feudal ideology.

    The non-comprador elements never gained any real strength.
    Thus, the democratic revolution failed to take place, probably nipped in the bud that was once about to emerge, in Bengal. Casteism, discrimination against Muslims, which is an extension of casteism, Brahminic land relations and social order remained virtually intact.

    The so-called nationalist movement that started in 1905 in Bengal against its partition was a deformed phenomenon from the beginning, without the support of the Muslims, and in fact often directed against them. This was repeated all over the sub-continent till 1947 with its abortive end and partition of India.

    An all-India revolutionary strategy is to be based on four inter-related components: (a) regions with land reforms completed, (b) regions with almost unchanged Brahminic feudalism, (c) tribal areas where production relations are older than the brahminic land relations, and finally, (d) the urban areas.

  13. Green Red said

    Hi comrade Kumar Sarkar;


    Click to access UrbanPerspective.pdf

    would convey your requested item about Urban goals of the great Indian party.

    Red salute to you!

  14. Harsh Thakor said

    Kumar Sarkar
    you may obtain the volumes from the Tarimela Nagi Reddy Memorial Trust from
    P.Jaswantha Rao
    T.N.Memorial Trust,
    32-13/26/1,B.M.Rao Road
    Vijayawada 520010


  15. Harsh Thakor said

    On 22nd and 23rd April the Revolutionary Democratic Front held their first state conference. It was a remarkable achievement that the organization could stage the historic conference when it’s units and constituent forces faced the onslaught of state repression all over the country. The theme of the conference was on the opposing of Operation Green Hunt. This front was formed in May 2005 as a result of the merger of the All-India Peoples Resistance Forum with the Struggling forum for Peoples Resistance. The significance of this formation was the need for an organization to give solidarity and support to the anti-feudal agrarian revolutionary movement and to the anti-imperialist movement. Such a force like R.D.F has immense significance when the democratic rights of struggling, revolutionary sections are being trampled upon on all spheres of life. An Organization standing by the right of the broad masses be it the peasants,youth,working class or intellectuals is the need of the hour.

    After 2006 there were great efforts to curtail the movements of the R.D.F.The most important struggles which the R.D.F launched independently were for the unconditional release of political prisoners from 2-8 2006,,against Salwa Judum in Chattisgarh from 19-25 January in 2006,forming the Campaign committee for the release of political prisoners in April 2006,a bandh call in Orrisa,Jharkhand and Bihar on 14th October 2006 against the arrest of leader Sheela Devi,an all-India conference on March 23rd 2007 opposing displacement on Bhagat Singh’s martyrdom day. With other organizations R.D.F. under the banner of CATAS launched a campaign from 10August to November 10th against Salwa Judum in 14 states with a culmination convention in Delhi on 9th nad 10th November with a public rally organized and a memorandum given.R.D.F. endorsed several anti-war fronts and promoted a series of joint forums condemning the killing of Azad and opposing Operation Greenhunt. Against Nandigram and Singur RDF joined a series of Dharnas.It also sent civil liberties activities to visit places of State repression.Sadly we could not witness the level of open struggles like the erstwhile organizations like the All-India Peoples Resistance Forum.

    Resolutions were passed on supporting National Liberation Movements in South Asia,on the release of political prisoners on the attack of the Trinamool Congress on peoples movement in Nonadanga,against Operation Greenhunt and Indian state’s hunt on it’s own people, supporting the right to form the Telengana state,,supporting the movements in West Asia and the Arab World.against attacks on muslim minorities, against caste atrocities on Dalits,against fake encounters on Azad and Kishenji,against communal fascism carried out by the R.S.S.-V.H.P.-Bajrang Dal forces,against Anna Hazare’s anti-corruption façade ,against the entry of U.S.troops in South Asia and against privatization and liberalization on higher education.The author was impressed with the enthusiasm of the participants ,however much they lacked in quantitative numbers. The cultural programmes particularly of the troupes of Punjab and Jharkhand reverberated the revolutionary spirit of the masses.The Punjab tem superbly depicted the repression launched by the feudal and imperialist forces while the Jharknd team inspired the agrarian revolutionary struggles.The songs of the Andhra Pradesh cultural team also sang a note in the hearts of the participants. In the night films were shown in memory of com. Kishenji’s martyrdom.

    Sadly the rally at the conclusion of the conference was banned by the Andhra Pradesh govt.This was really sad as now the protest against Operation Green Hunt was curtailed and could not be reached to the broad masses. In all the first 3 A.I.P.R.F.conferences the rally was permitted but on this occasion it was prohibited. A resolution was passed condemning this. The author feels it was undemocratic of the Andhra Pradesh govt to ban it in the name of endorsing “Maoist ‘ideas. Irrespective of the correctness or wrongness of the line or practice of the C.P.I.(Maoist)one has to recognize the revolutionary democratic right of the people of Jharkhand or Dandkaranaya to fight for their rights in an-anti-feudal struggle. Even those disagreeing with the ideology of Maoist forces have to understand the significance of the government prohibiting such a rally and their non- recognition of the C.P.I.(Maoist)as a revolutionary democratic force. It teaches us a lesson on how even our bourgeois democratic right to protest is curtailed even more in ‘Operation Greenhunt. We also learn how much our democratic space has been curtailed. In all the conferences the rallies of the All-India Revolutionary Students Federation were permitted be it in Hyderabad in 1985 or in Madras in 1989. One pertinent observation is the weakness of the democratic Rights movement and a strong democratic Rights organization is the need of the hour

    The author congratulates the Revolutionary Democratic Front for it’s staging of the conference which has immense significance in the struggle against Operation Greenhunt.It is a tribute to their tenacity that they have defended the struggles in Dandkaranya and Jharkhand and remained a fighting force. The need of building broader independent revolutionary democratic forum to defend the revolutionary rights of the masses is the need of the hour and the 1st conference of the R.D.F.was an answer to it.

  16. Harsh Thakor said

    Today is the 1st death anniversary of this great Comrade Kishenji,who made an immortal contribution to the cause of the Indian Revolution.Above all he was not mechanical and was innovative and creative in his application of ideology.He brilliantly combined mass struggle with armed struggle in Lalgarh.Earlier he played an important role in the Jagatiyal peasant movement in Karimnagar,in organizing the movement in the Damdkaranya region and in the inification of parties into bith the C.P.I(M.L) in 1998 and the C.P.I.(Maoist) in 2004.Infact Com.Kishenji imbibed the very spirit of the C.P.I.(Maoist) of self-criticism and rectification of errors and he superbly combined practice with theory.Let us all dip our blood in his memory.It is ironic that his martyrdom anniversary is on the same day as the conference today in Hamburg in support of the Peoples War in India.

  17. Dear Harsh Thakor

    Reading your statement, what you say not only polishes my most earnest emotions and feelings but also, value of my most valued level of ethics in party that I endear so much, and I presumed, no, nobody told me but I presumed, that probably such a statement can be said as:
    <> for which, I am working and endorsing the following course of action to try to undue profound errors of some people whose name I do not mention hereby that have practically killed and annulled the solidarity movement for India since taking its helm away from the great founder of ILPS comrade Arman Riazi and alienated G N Saibaba’s position as vice and all that… and disturbed and rerouted many things. Talk about Cult of Personality? Read Nine letters of Kasama and, well, Lin Biao apparently has imbibed that within Maoist called peoples and we have to feel sorry for later course of actions of Prachanda for example just as one of such affairs whose matter is not necessarily finished yet in Nepal. Nowadays comrades in India ask me what happened to that India solidarity group against Green Hunting that used to … and, I have to simply send them the documents that expose how we lost comrade G N Saibaba position in that body and, hurt many other remarkable comrades of mine there is nothing I can talk about.

    Given that in India Indians don’t like to look at fallen comrade’s face and image after death and apparently comrade Mike Ely probably knew and that’s why he refused to post it here on Kasama, At the same time and this moment, I am focusing on not for people in India but, for outsiders, to hear the song of Kabir written about his struggles and on its you tube, things like photos of his doing work and, few times also his absolutely disfigured body that post torture killing I had seen nobody but him like that. And what he did but, having for example the later achievements and falling helicopters and the fact that we still have Ganapathy and uncountable people whose name is not our buiz and, they carry on his spirit alive. In the meantime Kabir’s words are about the place Kishenji was the people he was fighting for and their whereabouts. Friends in West Bengal will review my suggestions and enhance / correct my shortcomings and then it will be my endeavor to find worthy people who could offer their computer art work. Text and details of this project is on its way of processing and after Indian comrade’s review and correction we could have such video with English text of the song (translation pending but on its way) so people in the world can feel for him. Details are to be decided later by in India comrades before co signing the draft and let’s see who will take that task later on their own hand to do the artwork.

    My earlier project was making T shirts to showing a somewhat smaller feast coming out of Latin American continent with Che Guevara’s photo in it (and Africa shape in a part of body) and then, a larger of Kishenji coming out of the India’s subcontinent where until I had not read Kobad Ghandy’s writings I did not even know that more than half of the malnourished children of the world reside at.
    My intention was and is, to tell many (including ex members of CPI Marxist and, CPI, etc.) that he was, he is the greater Che of our time whom in Latin America is so much beloved and, people wear his image in everyday lives. So that people pay more attention to India matters and stand for solidarity with India’s People’s War to eradicate caste and class system. And Che as some Maoists have said was in his own way a great man, but, we are in new era and we have a grander sort of battle on the world scale and even now when Azad and our time Che Kishenji is gone but still, we have our time Fidel, Ganapathy, alive and he and comrades are trying to make a society much better than what human beings have ever seen whatever humanity have seen beforehand at Mao’s time itself when it was said to kill the birds letting caterpillars consume the seeds and giving opposite effect of helmsman original good intention. Vanaja’s writing about parallel state and Dandakaranya and other places attempts are what expose that our teachers mistakes cannot happen again when we have Kishenji to practice what you have said hereby. Thanks a lot for your sayings and, please present links where I can find his writings and teachings and how it did occur if there is, such things available in public about party’s inner life. That other T shirt thing can wait for other people who might input their suggestions or start it. I am not making saints and sinners out of anybody but, people like Che and Kishenji do not that often appear on the Earth so, old time losers need to join the brighter road built, established by our great comrades such as him. Social Democratic acting regimes like what came out of FMLN and FSLN or, for that matter Chavez have done and how far have gone? Che minded folks, need to come and join the latter’s stand for their own betterment.
    Lal Salaam to you and Kishenji’s path toward freedom of the people of our planet,
    Behrooz Navaii

  18. Sorry, I failed to fill up the ; that part reads as the following:

    I seldom see any of that tradition kindly and not egotistically plays its role in first world solidarity organizations. Given that I acknowledge my error of not filling the without feeling embarrassment or otherwise, could others see how vital that matter is?

    Egoism and taking things personally helmsman Mao Tse-tung has taught us practically ruins parties, groups and organizations many, many times in history of the left, for which, upon request I can point out two fatal examples that one totally diverted Iran’s revolution path from a general line to a reactionary Islamic regime and, another when in Kurdistan comrades started shooting each other as a service to their common vital enemy.

    Lal Salaam to you and Kishenji’s path toward freedom of the people of our planet,
    Behrooz Navaii

  19. (This is the missing quotation): Infact Com.Kishenji imbibed the very spirit of the C.P.I.(Maoist) of self-criticism and rectification of errors and he superbly combined practice with theory.

  20. Pia E. Hanzén said

    There has been many grand “mistakes” in history of the lieration movement around the world.
    Lal Salam Pia E. Hanzén

  21. KurdishOne said

    Abdullah Ocalan leader of PKK ( Workers’ Party Of Kurdistan) considered “Individual’s freedom of thought” as the basis of Democratic Socialism & PKK’s ideology, therefore freedom of thought is the basis of criticism in a group or party. Ocalan in his late writings (which he wrote them in the prison) takes responsibility for the highs and lows of PKK policy, in a spirit of proper self-criticism (source: ).

  22. Sid said

    Click to access CC-BookletOnComKishenji-Eng.pdf

  23. Ethan Beasley said

    I agree that more people should know about Kishanji outside of India and South Asia. I am always amazed at how few people in the US know about the People’s War in India. I think the time has come for Kishanji to be recognized as a figure like Che Guevara. Perhaps someday soon he will be recognized as such, internationally.

  24. Thanks a lot comrade Sid.
    I have only browsed the content up till now but, reading the provided document can help to evaluate and comprehend late great comrade Kishnji whose accomplishment certainly he needs his remembrance peculiar legacy by, for example referring to his keen methodology as Kishnji’s way or, Kishnji’s method or what have you to draw clear lines within history to state who he really was. Kishenji’s way/method/line/path/course/track/manners/route/ of existence(all taken from certainly needs to achieve its own title inscribed within the heart of the history of people’s struggles and wars. He surely deserves honor, respect and legacy like no man has had before in the history of the humankind. My notion, my intuition tells me that comrade Ganapathy consciously intents to evade cult of personality. Chair of the party has much more valuable and essential interests in re shaping Hindustan but, what I am trying to accomplish is not ever going to be projected as the party line. All that is sought is, to grasp the attentions of Che fans to acknowledge a greater Che for a larger part of earth with extreme difficult walks of life and, all over the world from outside of India protest, picket line, letters of condemnation etc. things to the powers of Indian state and, step back and think before taking Green hunting inhumane civil war and killings off of the life of the DK peoples in the least. A Hindu in Hidustan who does not hunt animals and consumes meet saying Green hunting, is an absolute offensive, inhumane and brutal to refer to, the Peoples’, War, in India. I wish you had mentioned a few words in addition to the presented reference. Lal Salam comrade Sid.

  25. Tom Watts said

    I think it is an essential thing to combine building mass struggle with the armed struggle in India and elsewhere. Honoring fallen comrades like Kishanji and Che is important in building the struggle of the masses. It is also important in building the internationalism of the struggle.

  26. Arif said

    THis is a thought provoking article and the following really got my attention:

    “Maoists must guard themselves from this entrenched habit of not seeing anything specific or original about its leaders and painting them all in this barren seriality of ‘yet another martyr who heroically sacrificed his life for the revolution’. Otherwise the movement will be going round in circles, will stagnate in spite of the dynamism of its concrete practice.”

    TO be frank, I wished too that the Maoists would highlight the contribution of leaders like Kishenji, in terms of originality and innovation. I myself am at a loss to know what his specific contributions were until I read this piece to a large degree. The Maoists need a better propaganda machine that will highlight, highlight and highlight what vanguards like Kishenji accomplished for the movement, in a non cliche point of view.

    “‘Yes Kishanji talks about Marxism, but I find it very difficult to follow’. Then I ask him what has he understood of Marxism, what is it? I think he felt cornered but after some reflection came with a reply: it is something very good but some people have spoiled and distorted it. ‘We guerillas are fighting such people’.”

    Spilling out what something complex like Marxism into simple street language is what comrades like Che Guevara, Kim Il Sung etc., shined at. Unfortunately, we are still unable to find cadre in the Maoists who have this ability. If people are dying for the aadivasis in the name of Marxism, what use is it if the people who are being served don’t know WHAT they’re being served? The hallmark of a special class of leader like Che is the ability to translate complex theory into understandable simple words. THis is why I insist groups like Maoists need to make a special effort at leadership grooming- identifying leaders who have a capacity to passionately explain to the masses what Marxism means to their daily lives and to their daily bread. Only if masses fully understand what is being served will they appreciate it enough to die for it. Saying Marxism is “something good” simply doesn’t cut it.

    This is why I can appreciate Ju’Che when it says that leaders are central to a revolution, because leaders primary role is to explain what they’re fighting for and how their solution (which is Marxism in this case) will be better for them than what they currently have. There are several layers of understanding. Saying “Under Marxism, I will have something better than what I have today” is 1 layer. But saying “under current system, my PDS provisioned are auctioned off for export, under Marxism, I will get my due share of PDS which is X kg rice per month, Y kg meat per month etc etc” is another layer of understanding. What needs to be stressed out is the latter.

    Hope the MAoists will focus a good deal of effort on leadership grooming and brush their propaganda machine up a bit.

  27. It was brought to my attention that comments of more than one, comrade Ethan, comrade Arif from India and another comrade whose name need to be not mentioned are awaiting an unpredictable and unorthodox moderation tactic by this good old style Revolution in South. Given that due to its relatively great efforts I do have more profound respect and value toward Kasama comrades in contract with RIM fellows as of this moment if within next 48 hours those comrades happen to be omitted or moderated due to political lines hence, with all due respect I gladly transfer this discussion’s continuation for which I granted the honor to this site to be its original to Facebook and other probable sites.
    Hopefully decisions made in this regard are for the best interest of Kasama’s revolutionary movement and its goals that might have or might have not possess common grounds for our future struggle. in my humble knowledge, view and experience for example I did not possess the slightest idea whom comrade Jan and other people were years ago when discussing matters in Kasama but, nevertheless, I am here, and clearly accept my previous lack of clarity and right wordings and concepts in the past on Kasama site as a whole and, please take it as a Kishenji Path/method/mannerism, name it self criticism.
    gratefully yours and keenly awaiting proper moderation acts for the best interest of all involved parties,

  28. Comradely gratefulness expressed hereby to Kasama moderating comrade(s) to meet my earnest above notification and deadline that proved validity and value of Kishenji’s self criticism value presented above and, to make it simple I dare to present paraphrase my taking of helmsman Mao teaching to state treat your friends like your foes and thousands of battles are henceforth lost without merits to our class interest. Many parties, many trends (including beloved comrades in India) have complex taking on contributions of Kasama in contrast with unfortunately semi defunct old RIM body steering committee and leadership but hey, Revolutionary Worker party has been many people’s School of Science for Revolution for many years in the past and with all diversity and fundamental differentiation I shall live and die inspired by Kishenji Mannerism (Method/Path or whatever comrades will prefer) to, through high stake struggles gain common grounds for more than a single line as soon as possible (that all depends on corresponding probable body(ies).
    Gratefully yours, BN

  29. Ethan Beasley said

    I think Tom makes a good point about the importance of combining the building of mass struggle internationally, with armed struggle, in India and elsewhere. The honoring and remembrance of a figure like Kishanji could help to develop that. By the way, I might be mistaken, but I think comrade Behrooz may have accidentally referred to the Revolutionary Communist Party of the USA as the Revolutionary Workers Party.

  30. siahnaxalkal said

    Thanks a lot Ka(samas in Philippine are shortened sometimes as Ka s) Ka Ethan. Right. Actually right now comrade Kamyar L is preparing an essay about side effects of various medications from Welbutrin that I take that keeps me awake too up to many other medications doctors give people. There used to be a …. a comrade from RCP referred to them as fbi ! but generally they used to claim to be the original RIM group that became MIM and they would simply say don’t take their medications at all. in the fashion of Kishnji’s mannerism (or path or name it) I self criticize my inability to even see clearly what I might have typed. But in another way of saying, my intuition tells me that the main reason that is filed as such in my humble little brain has more to do with a newspaper once I had utter respect for called Revolutionary Workers and, when the paper’s name changed do you know how I felt? Best way to understand it is, to read the 9 letters comrade Ely the founder of this site had written in the first place that, its memories only hurts me since after all, in ways I cannot point out here due to party/privacy security matters, deep inside I owe my staying alive solely to A particular comrade of that very party. And still, I do not look upon them as foes and, in distribution of materials about India I am going to share with them as well; will they take or not is something I will know in sometimes in the future. For those who might know, at another times I had written as “Green Red” that, due to strange effects of some medications I have written inappropriate things for which hereby, I express my honest and embarassed apology. Lal Salaam and, all power to the people!

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