Revolution in South Asia

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Nepal: New Central Committee document by Kiran

Posted by redpines on January 4, 2012

The following is a document presented to the UCPN(M) Central Committee by Vice Chairman Mohan Baidya ‘Kiran’. It is long, but important for understanding the current situation facing Nepal’s Maoist party. As one might expect, it discusses many of the dangerous choices made by some leaders of the UCPN(M), including the dissolution of the People’s Liberation Army, the BIPPA trade agreement with India, and the failure to make necessary preparations for revolt.

Kiran also reaffirms that a “New People’s Democracy,” as a temporary stage in preparation for socialism, is the party’s minimum program. Kiran argues that not only is this the official line of the party, as decided on by the Chunbang meeting of 2005, but more importantly that this line “is necessary as well as possible.”

In the Chunbang meeting, the UCPN(M) collectively recognized that the reactionary parties, like Nepali Congress and the Communist party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninist) would try to turn the government into a bourgeois parliamentary republic. This is precisely the situation the Maoists have been facing for the past 5 years, as the bourgeois parties have been doing everything in their power to prevent a new, revolutionary Nepal.

But those bourgeois parties have had some assistance. Kiran argues that the party’s inability to move past the parliamentary swamp is due to a shift in strategy, one that was never agreed upon by the party as a whole. Referring to Prachanda specifically, Kiran notes that

“the Constituent Assembly is being taken not as a tactics but strategy. In this way, efforts have been made to end and liquidate the new people’s democratic revolution and mass insurrection.”

The piece also explains, quite candidly, that democratic centralism has broken down within the party and is “a mess”. He even goes as far as to say that the leadership of the party has “acted against the people,” and that class divisions have risen within the party. These are hard words, speaking to a bitter, difficult situation.

Ultimately though, the document is not pessimistic. Kiran argues forcefully that revolution is still possible.  His general plan affords more priority to mass mobilizations, or the “street front” than the parliamentary front. The plan also involves the strengthening of cultural and educational programs within the party, as well as the “People’s Volunteers,” a people’s fighting force that can be mobilized in the absence of the PLA and the Young Communist League. The document also demands that the party refuse to compromise on a constitution that does not meet the needs of women, oppressed nationality groups and those from oppressed castes.

The ideological divides within the UCPN(M) are deep. This document will not heal many of those schisms, nor does it provide answers for all of the questions facing Nepal. But it does show that there are revolutionaries within the party who have a broad outline for future struggle.

Thanks to Frontlines of Revolutionary Struggle for making this document available.

Kiran : On problems of the party and their resolution

1. Need for a new report:

Now, the class struggle is at a serious juncture and this class struggle has been reflected on our party’s two-line struggle. The history of Nepal’s new people’s democratic revolution and communist movement is at a new turning point.  We are in the grave type of labor pain. While, on the one hand, the conspiracy to liquidate the process of great people’s war initiated in 1996 into parliamentary quagmire is being consolidated; the revolutionary line, on the other, has emerged more effectively against this trend with a new commitment to give continuity to the Nepali new people’s democratic revolution.

In the history of Nepali people’s revolution and communist movement, a chapter has come to an end and a new chapter has begun. And this process is moving ahead. In order for us to carry forward and complete the task of Nepali revolution, a new historic necessity has emerged in the class struggle and two-line struggle of the party that requires us to face newer and more serious challenges. History has sought a clear-cut and straight answer from us whether to resolutely march forward facing and overcoming these challenges or to surrender before the reactionaries.

But our revolution continues. In this crucial period, the sacrifice and contribution and the stories of unprecedented courage and bravery of our great martyrs, disappeared and injured warriors and the people demonstrated in the entire Nepal’s revolution and great People’s War must be remembered with especial significance and due respect. The great ideals and dreams of people’s liberation and revolution are linked together as integral part of the fierce class struggle and two-line struggle in the party. And we can never forget these ideals and dreams.

The political report  entitled “Brief Political Report on Emerging Crisis: Their solution and Future Programmes”  presented by Chairman comrade Prachanda on December 24, 2011 in the central committee meeting has not recognized and acknowledged this complexity and reality of the class struggle and the two-line struggle. This has, hence, necessitated a separate political report.

2.  On report presented by Chairman Comrade:

The main issues and principal trends raised in the report presented by Chairman Comrade can be briefly summed up as below:

The fourth point of the report has mentioned about existing uniformity and polemics in the party. The reports says: “There is no formal dispute in the party on MLM/Thought (Marxism-Leninism-Maoism/ Mao Thought) as the directive principle of revolution and the defence, application and development of its fundamental propositions; socialism and communism as party’s ultimate goal and maximum programme; new people’s democracy as party’s strategy and its programme as the minimum programme; adopting the people’s federal republic and federal republic as party’s main tactics in the present objective situation of the country;  and going for mass insurrection with especial focus on national liberation and federal republic. But contradictions and disputes have often taken place on issues concerning the tactical steps to achieve the above mentioned goals, which have attracted and had impact on party’s overall ideology on certain conditions”.  It is, therefore necessary to raise some of the issues mentioned here.

On guiding principle of the party, there should not be parallel and confusing phrases like Marxism-Leninism-Maoism/ Mao Thought. There had been long debate on this issue and it had been agreed to resolve this issues with completing certain procedures. In this connection, we had registered our views that it would be appropriate to resolve this issue through certain procedure and use the phrase ‘Maoism’.

It is clear that we have adopted new people’s democracy as party’s minimum programme and strategy; and socialism and communism as our maximum programme.  But Chairman Comrade in various media outlets and more particularly in an interview to Kramvanga magazine (Volume 2, November/December 2011 Issue) has said that demarcation line between new people’s democratic revolution and socialist revolution is getting thinner and the task of completing new people’s democratic revolution and the task of completing the socialist revolution have been centralized into a single task. These views of the chairman have created a big confusion and serious ideological question on the issue concerning the phases, programmes, strategy and tactics of the revolution.  If Chairman’s views are at all true, his concept regarding new people’s democratic revolution is guided by comprador, bureaucratic and capitalist orientation. These views are not compatible with the reality of a country like Nepal which is in semi-feudal, semi-colonial and neo-colonial condition.

In this quotation, it is stated that there is no dispute over people’s federal republic and the federal republic as party’s principal tactics of the party.  But the party, as stated in the quote, has never adopted two phrases as parallel tactics of the party simultaneously. This clearly indicates a mutual contradiction.

The fifth point of the report has stated that the two line struggle or the main issue of dispute is gradually being dragged into the debate whether the achievements of the tactics of federal republic should be established or they are to be destroyed dubbing them as partial reforms in the reactionary system.  This is not a question of dismantling the achievements but the real question is whether to stick to parliamentary system accepting democratic republic as party’s strategy or march forward for the establishment of people’s federal republic. The above mentioned report that states ‘establishment and destruction’ is directed against the position of federal republic the party had adopted in the Chunbang meeting of the central committee which states ‘reactionary class and their parties will try to transform the democratic republic into a bourgeoisie parliamentary republic whereas the proletariat’s party like ours will transform it into new people’s democratic republic’.

Similarly, in the beginning of the same report, the tactics basically relating to peace, constitution and the government has been taken as a focal point of the current internal struggle and contradictions within the party. It has also stated that this issue has been dragged into ideological debate concerning party’s ideology and strategy. This is true to a large extent. But our issues on ideology and strategy are based on mutually two opposite perspective and values.

Peace, constitution and government are definitely linked as an integral part of the ideology and strategy.  In the view of Chairman Comrade, the meaning of peace is disarming the People’s Liberation Army, surrender and liquidate the people’s democratic revolution; meaning of the constitution is writing of a parliamentary constitution and the meaning of government is the acceptance of slavery of the old state machinery.  Compromises (‘Give and take’) are made in negotiation. But in this entire process, he has only given everything but not taken any thing. This is not only a compromise but a total surrender and capitulation. Circumstances have shown that the Constituent Assembly is being taken not as a tactics but strategy. In this way, efforts have been made to end and liquidate the new people’s democratic revolution and mass insurrection.

In the fifth point of the same report, Chairman Comrade has stated that mass insurrection could not immediately materialize despite repeated and conscious attempts. But this is not true. This is only his claim. In fact, he had never been effortful and oriented towards that direction.

Now right revisionism has posed a serious threat to communist revolution both at home and abroad. But, the fifth point of Comrade chairman’s report has stated that the ‘threat of right revisionist’ will be countered and the ‘mechanical and sectarian outlook’ would only serve the counter revolution. It can be easily understood that the attack has been directed against the revolutionary line in the present two-line struggle of the party.

Chairman Comrade’s report has portrayed party’s condition in a very pessimistic way. Stating that the party is dangerously heading towards dissolution and liquidation, it has said ‘the party is in fact dying’. Stating that the collective decision, individual responsibility, democratic centralism, levy system, quota, financial transparency and sacrifices and commitment are being bulldozed by personal interest, he has said that personal interest and selfish motive have become dominant in the party.   By raising these issues he has tried to divert and dilute the main issues and problems. But, in reality, he is the archetype and focal point of all these trends, tendencies, problems and self interest. Similarly, while the report has attempted to hide the contradiction between the existing affluent class of the party and the working class on the one hand, it has, on the other, stated that the entire party is dying. This is distortion of the fact because only the old and conservative force was dying but the entire party.  In reality, the old party is dying and a new party is being born.

In the fifth and eighth point of the Chairman Comrade’s report, it is stated that the handover of the keys of the containers and four-point and seven-point agreements had been unanimously endorsed by the concerned committees and bodies of the party. This is a white lie. The reality is different. In the meeting of the standing committee of the party, note of dissent had been registered on issues concerning army integration, four-point agreement and on the phrase of democratic republican constitution that was mentioned in the four-point agreement. Reservation had also been expressed on some issues. Quite surprisingly, the departmental in-charge of the people’s Liberation Army had also not been informed while handing over the keys of the containers. In addition to this, it has been clearly stated in the letters submitted by Comrade Kiran and comrade Badal to the central committee on these issues. Chairman’s report has not given any satisfactory answer and clarification on these issues.  The eighth point of the report has mentioned the issues we had raised in our letter to the central committee concerning four-point agreement, keys of the containers, seven-pint agreement, return of the property, BIPPA ( Bilateral Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement made signed with India) but has not acknowledged the mistakes. And most lately, the report has not even mentioned the letter submitted to the Chairman with a request to address the issues of People’s Liberation Army. The report has totally ignored and undermined the seriousness of the issues.

In the ninth point of the report presented by Chairman Comrade, ten point suggestions have been presented in order to solve the existing problems of the party. On the surface, these suggestions seem to be appropriate. But, in essence, they have not realized the crux of the problem.  The existing problems of the party are related mainly to the outlook and procedures. Problems related to outlook are linked with ideology, strategy, programmes and political line. Problems related to procedures have relation mainly with democratic centralism. National congress has been proposed as the central remedy to solve the problems.  It would be difficult to create an atmosphere of trust in the party without conducting intensive debate on all issues, without making correct analysis and review, without making self-criticism and without opting for self-transformation by correcting all mistakes, weaknesses and shortcomings. Without doing this, the national congress cannot solve the problems. In order to maintain discipline and establish democratic centralism, in the first place, the party must make sure that its policies, programmes and political line are revolutionary and that an environment of trust must be created in the leadership. There has been encroachment into and violation of party’s discipline and procedures from the comrades of principal leadership and some other responsible comrades. Against this background, it is essential on the part of the leadership to pay special attention to the seriousness of the situation and express commitment to be transformed.

The concluding part of the report contains ‘organizational consolidation and people’s mobilization programme’. The programme concerning the mobilization of the people is abstract. And it has not paid attention to the programme related to struggle. Although some of the points of this programmes are correct, this type of programme will be meaningless unless the fundamental problems are resolved.

What is most notable in the report which is worth contemplating is the fact that it has not put forward any programmes in a solid manner against imperialism and expansionism and in favor of national independence. Instead, it has indirectly supported the BIPPA.

I n the entire report, Chairman Comrade has made a vain effort to look for a principal reason of the existing crisis of the party somewhere else. In fact, the epicenter of this type of crisis inherently lies in the principal leadership itself. In overall summation, the political report presented in the central committee meeting is based on eclectic style and oriented towards rightist opportunism. In conclusion, this report cannot solve the current problems and crisis of the party.

3.   On problems of party and the revolution:

a. Organizational problem:

Now everything is in a mess in the party including democratic centralism, system of criticism-self criticism, collective decision-making process, individual responsibility, committee and leadership system, working style and procedures, financial procedures, policy about the people, policy about party workers and international fraternal relationship.  The principal reasons behind this mess in the life of the party are: the rift between the upper class and lower class in the party; party being used as a tool of reformism and compromise instead of using the party as a tool for revolution and class struggle; bureaucratic and compromising and anarchic tendency that has developed in some responsible comrades in the leadership; and violation of the party’s decision by the principal leadership instead of their strict implementation.  It is, thus, necessary firstly for the principal leadership and also for the entire leadership to be transformed by correcting all mistakes and weaknesses.

b.  On Peace and Constitution:

We are all for peace and constitution.  But we are not in favour of peace and constitution that are against the interests of the country and the people.  In order for the establishment of peace in favour of the country and the people, formulation of national security policy, framing of people’s constitution and army integration in a dignified manner are necessary. But, instead of paying serious attention towards these issues, the People’s Liberation Army is being dissolved in a humiliating and insulting way.  The integration of People’s Liberation Army is being done in DDR (disarm, dissolve and rehabilitate) model on the basis of individual recruitment and disarmament, instead of opting for SSR (security sector reforms) model. Writing of the constitution in favour of people shall mean the people’s federal republican constitution with anti-feudal and anti-imperialist essence that accordingly ensures state restructuring, guarantees the rights of the people including workers and peasants, ensures special rights for women, dalits ( oppressed) and Muslim communities, accepts the right to self-determination for ethnic nationalities and Madhesi communities and establishes ethnic self-rule.

Now the possibility of framing this type of constitution is getting thinner. This is because domestic and international reactionaries are hatching serious conspiracy to push the Unified CPN (Maoist) into the quagmire of parliamentary politics and national capitulation and to once again deceive the people. In this situation, there is no possibility of the peace process to advance ahead in favour of the people and the country.  The possibility of framing the constitution is also getting thinner and thinner.

c.On streets, parliament and the government:

We have adopted the decision to advance the peace and constitution framing process in favour of the people and, should that fail, we need to use the fronts of streets, parliament and government for the preparation of a new revolution.  But these fronts have not been properly used.

In recent days, there has not been any programme of struggle. The streets are virtually getting empty. Despite the fact that some comrades have played meaningful and adequate role in framing the constitution in parliament or Constituent Assembly, the principal leadership has not at all played effective role for the interest o the people. Instead, the leadership has acted against the people.  The party had unanimously decided that Chairman comrade should not remain in the dispute resolution sub-committee of the Constituent Assembly and due attention of the Chairman comrade had been repeatedly drawn not to continue to remain in the said sub-committee when he ignored the party decision. Even now he has been in this sub-committee against the decision of the party and has arbitrarily abandoned the propositions of the party. Chairman Comrade has arbitrarily obliterated some of the issues from the documents that had been adopted amidst struggle by majority of our members of Constituent Assembly. The domination of bureaucratic and comprador capitalist class is growing and Chairman Comrade himself has been backing this class.  If this situation continues, the validity of the Constituent Assembly has almost come to an end.

While in power, the government, instead of working for the interest of the people, the country and the revolution, has acted against the interest of the people, country and the revolution. Despite agreement reached to withdraw and annul the cases charged against the Maoist leaders and workers during the People’s War, no effort has been made in this regard. As a result, conspiracy is being hatched to entrap Maoist leaders and workers in cases filed against them during the People’s War.  Instead of safeguarding national independence while in power, the Bilateral Investment Protection and Promotion Agreement (BIPPA) has been signed in the interest of expansionism. This has posed an additional obstacle in building independent national economy.  The people are being evicted from the land they captured during the great People’s War without making an alternative arrangement for them on the basis of revolutionary land reforms.  Instead of working for the interest of workers, they are being deprived of their right to protest. The comrades who are in the leadership of the government are presenting themselves in an anarchic manner grossly ignoring the political line, decisions, directives and mechanism of the party. In this situation, there is no justification of the party to remain in power.

dOn two-line struggle:

Two line struggles is underway for a long time in the party which has gone through many stages. The crux of the two-line struggle is whether we should remain satisfied with the democratic republic or march ahead for people’s federal republic; whether to dissolve the revolution into parliamentary system or make preparation for mass insurrection; whether to defend our national independence or opt for national capitulation; whether to opt for peace process with dignified army integration while resolving the fundamental problems related to people’s self-rule and livelihood or kneel down before the old state power; and whether to frame a constitution with the essence of anti-imperialism and anti-feudalism  or write a parliamentary regressive constitution.

In the party, this two-line struggle has gone through many ups and downs. Until the period when central committee meeting was held soon after the Palungtar plenum, the party had adopted revolutionary political line. When question was raised for the implementation of this political line, the situation started reversing. In the central committee meeting held in April 2011, party’s revolutionary political line suddenly rendered into minority status. Coming to the present time passing through the process of formation of the government under our party’s leadership, the situation has completely taken a U-turn.  The decision on army integration made in the standing committee in May 2011, four point agreement signed with the Madhesi parties, decision on handing over the keys of containers, instruction given to the local administration on the return of land and property seized during the People’s War , BIPPA, and seven-point agreement including army integration are the result of this U-turn.

The principal leadership has decisive role to play as to which direction the two-line struggle has to be taken. Like the class struggle, the principal leadership has to play a revolutionary role in both strategy and tactics also in two-line struggle. But in the present two-line struggle, our principal leadership played just the opposite role in strategy and tactics.  It played the role exactly against Mao’s ‘three dos and three don’ts’.  In this entire process, the principal leadership has adopted the strategy of tricking and lying the revolutionary rank and file against the revolutionary political line, playing one against the other, presenting itself  in an opaque and abstract manner, adopting the policy of weakening others, enticing the leaders and workers with false promises and assurances and later betraying. This type of strategy only benefits the class enemy and has been benefiting them.

In the similar manner, the principal leadership has been trying to make the two-line struggle unhealthy. Chairman Comrade has been saying that Dhobighat understanding was an ‘unholy alliance’.  But it is now clear as to whom and what type of relation he is developing. He has labeled unfounded charges against the comrades who have opposed his political line. He has accused the revolutionary leaders and workers of being dissatisfied because of not getting ministerial portfolio and position. In this way, he has undermined the two-line struggle that is being launched on the basis of ideology, principle and policies. It is known to all how frightened and worried he was when the Dhobighat understanding was reached. He feared that his position would be weakened or lost if Dhobighat understanding materialized.  Thus, the question now is not about the position but for the revolution, principle and policies.

Now the two-line struggle in the party is being transformed into the struggle between the affluent class and deprived class. Revolutionary line is being weakened and defeated while the opportunist line is getting victorious. The party is being swiftly directed and oriented towards rightist opportunism and national capitulation. We still have time. It is urgent on our part to play special role to save the party from disaster and transform the party into revolutionary line. And we must do it.

In the present age of globalized imperialism and proletarian revolution, the process of upgrading the class status of the leaders of proletarian class, infiltration of class enemies into the party, ideological and political sterilization takes place in a swifter manner.  All of us must be alert against this trend

e.On prospect of new people’s democratic revolution:

Despite the establishment of democratic republic and institutionalization of federalism and secularism, and despite the formation of the government under our party’s leadership, Nepal is still in semi-feudal and semi-colonized state. The state power is still at the hands of comprador and bureaucratic capitalist and feudal class.  Now it is clear that the contradiction between comprador bureaucratic capitalist class and Indian expansionism on the one side and the Nepalese people on the other has become the principal contradiction.

At this point of time, there is a serious question and challenge before us. The question is whether we should bow down before parliamentary reformism and national capitulation or struggle for people’s federal republic and national independence.  In the present circumstances, there is no concrete possibility of framing a people’s constitution, protection of national independence and resolution of fundamental problems of people’s livelihood. Against this background, we must stand firmly in favour of the country, people and the revolution. There is no alternative other than this.

New People’s Democratic Revolution in Nepal is necessary as well as possible. If we advance the preparatory works in an effective manner, there are ample conditions for mass insurrection.  In this connection the following issues are worth mentioning: Firstly, people want to live not in an old style but in a new ways.  People are seeking change and transformation. People will be forced to come to the street for struggle if the constitution was not framed in their interest. Secondly, the question relating to the defence of national independence is becoming more serious and challenging. Nepal has its historic role and tradition in the fight against imperialism. Nepalese people want liberation from all kinds of imperialist and Indian expansionist intervention and domination. Thirdly, crisis is deepening and intensifying in all political, economical and cultural fronts. This is the crisis of reactionary state power. This crisis has impacted all classes and sectors. People are not in the position to bear this crisis. Fourthly, there has been stiff struggle and fighting among the Nepalese parliamentary and reactionary forces for power and position. The entire state power and mechanism has been affected by these kinds of contradictions.  Fifthly, there is a stiff competition among some international powers to use Nepal for their own interest.  But some countries tend to respect Nepal’s sovereignty and national dignity and have been doing it.  Sixthly, our party is the center of people’s hope for their bright future. But there are several and serious deviations in the party and these deviations have deepened. The two-line struggle is, hence, getting very strong and powerful. Today’s need is to unite and unify the party with due transformation by making country, people, and the revolution as a focal point; by conducting the two-line struggle in a healthy and friendly manner; and by freeing ourselves from all kinds of deviation. It is clear that the party would be very powerful and will be able to lead the revolution only when we are able to accomplish this historic need.

f. Programmes, policies and political line:

The essence of our programmes, policies and political line is to advance towards the path of achieving the great goal of socialism and communism by liberating the country from semi-feudal and semi-imperialist condition through the new people’s democratic revolution. Our principal tactics is to make preparation for the establishment of people’s federal republic, defence of national independence and resolution of fundamental problems related to people’s livelihood. The decisions adopted in the central committee meeting held after the expanded meeting in Palungtar on party’s future political line and action plans are fundamentally correct even now.  Based on these decisions, we need to move ahead with additional modifications.

g. On minimum programme to resolve the problems:

The following propositions are made to resolve the existing problems:

  1. Should move ahead on the basis of political line adopted by the central committee meeting held immediately after the Palungtar expanded meeting with some modifications.
  2. Should address and resolve with correct analysis the problems and issues raised and presented  at different dates to the headquarters by party’s vice chairman and general secretary comrades on four-point agreement; handing over the keys of containers;  instruction to local administration concerning the return of the seized land and property; army integration; the seven point-agreement;  BIPPA; demands of ‘ disqualified’ PLA members; appropriate package for PLA warriors working in YCL and volunteer Squad;  payment of allowances that had earlier been deducted from the allowances of members s of PLA working for the security of the leadership;  categorization of injured warriors and provision of their  pension, employment and the dignified support package for them.
  3. Should withdraw party representatives from the government. Should conduct parliamentary front more effectively and accord priority to the street front.
  4. Should frame a constitution based on people’s federal republic with anti-feudalist and anti-imperialist essence. To guarantee the interests and representation of workers’ and peasants’ class; special right to women, dalits and Muslim communities; theoretical acceptance of ethnic  autonomous rule with the right to self-determination to nationalities and Madhesi communities; state restructuring on new basis; and rights of people with fully proportionate representation and inclusive system.
  5. If there is no guarantee of advancing the peace process for the interest of the country and the people as well as the framing of the people’s constitution, the task of integration of PLA and framing of the anti-people constitution should not be taken forward. The revolution is to be advanced in a new approach in the different situation.
  6. Should be serious on issues concerning the protection of country’s national independence and  sovereignty; and pursue struggle taking up the issues like abrogation of all unequal treaties and agreements including the 1950 treaty, framing of the people’s constitution, revolutionary land reforms and other burning issues related to people’s livelihood.
  7. Democratic centralism, committee system and collective decision-making mechanism should be established in the party.
  8. The dissenting views in the party related to the public concerns should be made public and the principle of ‘freedom in criticism and uniformity in action’ should be implemented.
  9. A minimum standard should be formulated and immediately implemented to revitalize party’s cultural, political and organizational life and a base should be created to build a new type of the party.
  10. At present, priority should be accorded to solve the issues concerning the class struggle and make preparation for party’s national congress only after these issues are addressed and resolved.
  11. Special attention should be accorded to pay due respect and provide relief to the families of the martyrs and disappeared warriors and ensure appropriate arrangement for the treatment of and relief to the disabled and injured warriors and make the status of the disappeared warriors.
  12. Should make party’s financial and accounting transaction and procedures scientific , up to date and transparent; make accounts and financial transaction of cantonments public, The provident and other property in kind of People’s Liberation Army should be made transparent and arrangement should be made for their judicious distribution.
  13. 4.Future programmes and action plan:

The future programmes and action plans are related to four preparations. These can be presented this way:

Ideological and political preparation:

–          Resisting comprador and bureaucratic capitalism, feudalism , imperialism and expansionism, strong people’s base should be created in favour of new people’s democratic revolution, people’s federal republic and national independence

–          Developing reliable internal fraternal relationship and accordingly build public opinion for independence and liberation of the country and the people.

–          Launch of effective ideological struggle against all kinds of revisionism and especially rightist revisionism; national capitulation and neo-revisionism.

–          Party schooling is to be started. Arrangements are to be made for political schooling.

Organizational preparation:

a. Party:

– Correcting mistakes, weaknesses and shortcomings, party should be unified with transformation

– Conducting two-line struggle in a healthy and friendly manner

-Development of a new procedure for the conduct of two-line struggle.

b.People’s volunteers:

-People’s volunteers are to be mobilized in an organized way from the central to the local level

– With formulating concrete programmes, the people’s volunteers are to be involved in people’s service and mobilization of the people.

c. United Front:

–          At the central level, a united front is to be created comprising patriotic, republican and leftist people

–          At the local level, united front is to be created based on the local situation and need.

d.      Three means:

At the local level, the tasks of the party, people’s volunteers and the united front’s are to be advanced in an organized manner

e.      Problems of the cadres:

–          All resources of the party are to be distributed equitably and judiciously

–          Economic plans are to be prepared at the center, states and district levels and productive activities are to be launched.

5. Preparation related to struggle:

The tasks of struggle and mobilization of people are to be advanced on the following issues:

  1. Constitution framing
  2. Defence of national independence; abrogation of 1950 unequal treaty, agreement on upper Karnali and Arun III and BIPPA. Demand for new treaties on the basis of mutual equality and understanding and protest against border encroachment are to be intensified
  3. Addressing people’s burning problems like the ones related to their livelihood and protest against inflation ( price hike), black market
  4. Resolution of problems related to  domestic servants  ( hali, gothala and haruwa), landless squatters and kamaiyas ( bonded labourers) with focus on revolutionary land reforms
  5. Relief package or pension to disqualified members of the People’s Liberation Army; relief to the PLA warriors who had left the cantonments and are currently working in the YCL.
  6. Resolution of the problems of families of the martyrs and disappeared warriors; and resolution of the problems of injured warriors.
  7. Withdrawal or dismissal of all charges and cases filed against the Maoists during the People’s War.

6Other Preparations:

Other preparations are related to and based on various subjects

Programme Schedule

Organization aspect:

–          Immediately after the meeting of the central committee, meetings at the state and district level should be held and action plans be formulated

–          Schooling is to be conducted at various levels.

 Aspect related to struggle:

–          Concrete programme of struggle to be prepared

–          The struggle is to be advanced on phase wise. The concretization of tasks concerning organization and struggle are to be determined in the headquarters or at the meeting of the standing committee

2 Responses to “Nepal: New Central Committee document by Kiran”

  1. Kumar sarkar said

    What is now needed is a scientific re-examination of the theory and practice of the concept of democratic revolution under imperialism. This has been long overdue in the international communist movement. The Communist International dealt with it systematically, but I am not aware of any follow ups since the end of the Comintern and start of the Cominform.

    I have prepared some preliminary notes on the subject, which I have sent to a new Nepalese magazine, ‘Krambaddha'(Continuity). I understand that its editorial board has taken the responsibility of translating it in Nepalese language and publish it in a future issue. I would like to have it published in English for a wider debate and discussion on the issues raised in the notes. For this purpose, I intend to bring it to this blog soon.

  2. Kumar sarkar said

    [ Following is the piece on democratic revolution that was promised earlier. The objective, of course, is to conduct extensive debates and discussions on the recurring problems faced in revolutionary struggles in semi-feudal countries in the era of globalised imperialism. With this objective, it has also been sent to the Nepalese magazine, ‘Krambaddha’.Please note that any emphasis via bold letters, underlines and italics, when added in quoted texts, have been stated as such]

    Baburam Bhattarai and the dialectical path of socialist revolution in semi-feudal societies.

    In the “Third Anuradha Gandhi Memorial Lecture” delivered on January 14, 2011, in Mumbai, India , Baburam Bhattarai presented his understanding of the democratic revolution in Nepal in the era of imperialism as follows:

    “Another theoretical issue currently being debated within the Maoist party is the nature of democratic revolution. In a semi-feudal and semi-colonial society one has to pass through a stage of bourgeois democratic revolution before transiting to socialism.

    Especially in a country like Nepal, where autocratic monarchy has ruled for hundreds of years, it would be prudent to go through a phase of democratic republic before completing the bourgeois democratic revolution. A democratic republic was established through a peace negotiation with the parliamentary parties after 10 years of ‘People’s War’.

    But the question now is how to turn this democratic republic into a People’s Democracy or New Democracy. Can it be achieved through the Constituent Assembly? Or, is an armed insurrection necessary? Also, the usefulness and prudence of the democratic republic phase is being questioned. It is exactly here that the differences between anarchism, reformism and Marxism come out sharply. Whereas reformists disagree with a revolutionary leap, anarchists discard the need of passing through stages and sub-stages. Marxists support both revolutionary leaps and the need to pass through stages.

    The question of imperialism and expansionism has been another important issue in Nepal’s revolutionary movement. Whereas globalised imperialism has spread its tentacles in almost all spheres of the Nepali economy, society and state, the domination of expansionism in the last 200 years has been the most vexing issue. There has been a razing debate within the Maoist party regarding the strategy to fight against foreign domination, particularly expansionism. Also, given the country’s sensitive position between the emerging global powers in India and China, a balanced relation with both neighbours is crucial for the success of the New Democratic revolution. It is thus prudent to focus on the internal democratic agenda to unify the country and to take on foreign domination.

    The fight for loktantra in Nepal is sure to reach its climax in the next few months. Either we will move ahead by rising above the traditional parliamentary democracy on the way to drafting the constitution of a People’s Federal Democratic Republic or the country will move towards regression even before the May 28 deadline. In order to forestall this possibility and institutionalize a loktantrik government system in, all true republicans, patriots and progressive forces should not delay their joint effort towards this goal.” (Emphasis and italics added, if visible).

    From the above extract of the lecture we observe the following:
    1. It is necessary “to pass through a stage of bourgeois democratic revolution before transiting to socialism.”
    2. In Nepal’s specific situation of autocratic Monarchy, “it would be prudent to go through a phase of democratic republic before completing the bourgeois democratic revolution.” And, “a democratic republic was established through a peace negotiation with the parliamentary parties after 10 years of ‘People’s War’”.
    3. “The question now is how to turn this democratic republic into a People’s Democracy or New Democracy.” The “Marxist” answer to this question is the need for “both revolutionary leaps and the need to pass through stages.”
    4. Due to Nepal’s geopolitical position between the two rising world powers, “a balanced relation with both neighbours is crucial for the success of the New Democratic revolution. It is thus prudent to focus on the internal democratic agenda to unify the country and to take on foreign domination.” (Emphasis, if visible, added)
    5. Finally, Bhattarai recognises the goal of “rising above the traditional parliamentary democracy on the way to drafting the constitution of a People’s Federal Democratic Republic.”, which he has now abandoned.

    It is extremely interesting to note (from 4) that, according to Bhattarai, “for the success of the New Democratic revolution” it is necessary to relegate the contradiction with imperialism and expansionism to a secondary postion, which is just “another important issue”, and make the “internal democratic agenda” i.e. contradiction with feudalism the principal one!! So, somehow, one has to separate the fight against the imperialist “tentacles in almost all spheres of the Nepali economy, society and state, the domination of expansionism in the last 200 years” from the democratic revolution and ‘prudently’ “ focus on the internal democratic agenda to unify the country and to take on foreign domination” later!!

    First, dialectics to Bhattarai is subjective and wishful thinking. Second, he does not recognise the nature of the New Democratic Revolution in the era of imperialism.

    Let us examine thoroughly the issues raised in 1-4, and, from the outcome, investigate the source of major reversals in the socialist revolution in semi-feudal countries, from China to Nepal.

    A. Transition from semi-feudalism to socialism.

    The use of general Marxist theories of social revolution originating from European experiences, in Eastern semi-feudal countries, in the era of imperialism, has been historically quite mechanical. The adopted model of ‘feudalism – bourgeois democratic revolution – proletarian revolution’ cannot be used as a straight-jacket to fit the model neatly into the respective stages of the European type. (Some historians have discussed this problem in the Mexican situation.) It is the original anti-feudal democratic revolutions of Europe that Bhattarai has in his mind, which he wants to copy and complete in Nepal. It is this dogmatic approach to democratic revolution that has found its place for decades in the programmes of the communist parties of feudal and semi-feudal countries in the era of imperialism.

    Leaving aside Bhattarai’s strange usage of the concept of ‘anarchism’ to characterise the ideology of his leftwing critics, he does not answer the question raised by himself. While adequately describing in his lecture the “stages” he advocates, Bhattarai conveniently avoids elaborating on the “revolutionary leaps” he refers to. And here lies the crux of the problem. Let us see what Bhattarai’s problems are.
    This revolutionary leap in transition from democracy to socialism is an old issue of fundamental importance, historically debated in the international communist movement. The Communist Manifesto (1848) stated:
    “The Communists turn their attention chiefly to Germany, because that country is on the eve of a bourgeois revolution that is bound to be carried out under more advanced conditions of European civilisation and with a much more developed proletariat than that of England was in the seventeenth, and France in the eighteenth century, and because the bourgeois revolution in Germany will be but the prelude to an immediately following proletarian revolution.”(italics, if visible, added)

    On the eve of the fourth anniversary of the October Revolution in 1921, Lenin wrote:
    “Both the anarchists and the petty-bourgeois democrats (i.e., the Mensheviks and the Socialist-Revolutionaries, who are the Russian counterparts of that international social type) have talked and are still talking an incredible lot of nonsense about the relation between the bourgeois-democratic revolution and the socialist (that is, proletarian) revolution. The last four years have proved to the hilt that our interpretation of Marxism on this point, and our estimate of the experience of former revolutions were correct. We have consummated the bourgeois-democratic revolution as nobody had done before. We are advancing towards the socialist revolution consciously, firmly and unswervingly, knowing that it is not separated from the bourgeois-democratic revolution by a Chinese Wall, and knowing too that (in the last analysis) struggle alone will determine how far we shall advance, what part of this immense and lofty task we shall accomplish, and to what extent we shall succeed in consolidating our victories. Time will show. But we see even now that a tremendous amount — tremendous for this ruined, exhausted and backward country — has already been done towards the socialist transformation of society. (Emphasis, if visible, added).

    Bhattarai makes “institutionalising” the achievements of the democratic stage as the pre-condition BEFORE going on to the New Democracy or People’s Democracy. On the contrary, Lenin superbly explains the relevant dialectics:
    “But in order to consolidate the achievements of the bourgeois-democratic revolution for the peoples of Russia, we were obliged to go farther; and we did go farther. We solved the problems of the bourgeois-democratic revolution in passing, as a “by-product” of our main and genuinely proletarian – revolutionary, socialist activities. We have always said that reforms are a by-product of the revolutionary class struggle. We said — and proved it by deeds — that bourgeois-democratic reforms are a by-product of the proletarian, i.e., of the socialist revolution. Incidentally, the Kautskys, Hilferdings, Martovs, Chernovs, Hillquits, Longuets, MacDonalds, Turatis and other heroes of “Two and-a-Half” Marxism were incapable of understanding this relation between the bourgeois-democratic and the proletarian-socialist revolutions. The first develops into the second. The second, in passing, solves the problems of the first. The second consolidates the work of the first. Struggle, and struggle alone, decides how far the second succeeds in outgrowing the first.” (Emphasis, if visible, added).

    In Bhattarai’s scenario of the consolidation of the achievements of the first stage in isolation of the incoming proletarian power, the second stage never comes. What comes in place is moving into the opposite direction – surrendering the PLA, returning the liberated land to the landlords and dismantling the parallel people’s power, which Bhattarai once headed.

    Hisila Yami explains the “internal democratic agenda” in her article, “Women’s Role in the Nepalese Movement: Making a People’s Constitution” in the Monthly Review, in March 2010, in the concluding section: “Today class war is being waged in different forms. In short there is a big struggle between those forces wedded to the old feudal and comprador mode of production and those who are struggling for new nationalist capitalist mode of production as a stage on the road to communism.” Apart from the bankruptcy of Bhattarai’s characterisation of the Nepali Congress as a party of anti-feudal and nationalist “liberal democrats”, what is the specific danger today of trying to deal with this democratic revolution with its “nationalist capitalist mode of production” on Yami’s “road to communism”? The Fourth Congress of the Communist International in 1922, stated: “The objective tasks of the colonial revolution are to go beyond the bounds of bourgeois democracy because a decisive victory for this revolution is incompatible with the rule of world imperialism. The colonial revolutionary movement is at first championed by the indigenous bourgeoisie and the bourgeois intelligentsia, but as the proletarian and semi-proletarian peasant masses become more involved and the social interests of the ordinary people come to the fore, the movement starts to break away from the big-bourgeois and bourgeois-landowner elements. A long struggle still lies ahead for the newly-formed proletariat in the colonies, a struggle that will cover an entire historical epoch and will confront both imperialist exploitation and the native ruling classes, who are anxious to monopolize for themselves all the gains of industrial and cultural development and to keep the broad working masses in their former ‘pre-historic’ condition.” (Emphasis, if visible, added).,

    Since the Fourth Congress in 1922, the ‘historical epoch’ it referred to has greatly matured, particularly with the help of the then existing Socialist camp. However, this outstanding tenet of incompatibility of victory of bourgeois democracy today with the rule of world imperialism was never satisfactorily developed further. Successive Congresses of the CI, initially starting with Roy–Lenin controversy in the Second Congress in 1920, took up the issue, debated, but never resolved it adequately. This has been the most serious weakness in the Marxist strategy for socialist revolution in feudal or semi-feudal countries. Mao was able to pursue his New Democracy because of the specific existence of a nationalist bourgeoisie in China led by Dr Sun Yat Sen. Moreover, China had the benefit of proletarian help from the Soviet Union. The existence of the nationalist bourgeoisie in some parts of Asia, Africa and Latin America prior to the Bandung conference in 1955 was shortlived. In fact, the role of the “indigenous bourgeoisie” in the colonial countries has since become overwhelmingly comprador, because the development of a significant independent national bourgeoisie under imperialism is not possible. Nor is there any longer any scope for a “nationalist capitalist” development in any form whatsoever, particularly when the global imperialism is going through its worst crisis.

    B. Post-colonial class structure in semi-feudal countries.

    This is an area, which like the democratic revolution under imperialism needs thorough Marxist investigations in order to assess the role of different classes and groups in the socialist revolutionary process in the colonies or semi-colonies. One phenomenon is very noticeable in these types of societies – the existence of various ‘intermediate groups or strata’, which cannot be always equated with the 19th century European ‘petit-bourgeoisie’ existing between polarised classes of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. These intermediate groups are clerical employees, teachers, doctors, nurses, solicitors, journalists, writers, artists etc. In South Asia, in semi-feudal societies, these groups, originating from feudalism, which is also caste-based, carry a dual or mixed ideology, a halfway house between caste-feudalism and capitalism. In India and Nepal, most of these intermediate groups belong to two upper castes, i.e. Brahmins and Khatriyas or Chetris in Nepal. These intermediate groups or strata dominate the political and administrative institutions. They lead all political parties including the revolutionary organisations.

    Representatives of these groups are attracted to join the communist party by the slogan of democracy. They often sincerely believe that they are socialists. Whatever their subjective thinking may be, objectively they bring with them bourgeois ideology into the communist movement. They are champions of the so-called ‘theory of productive forces’. They use socialist apparatus to develop capitalism. They practise democratic centralism virtually as a feudal hierarchy. Often, cadres follow the leaders on an individual basis. Some of these elements do integrate themselves with the proletariat to various degrees. However, their ‘socialism’ hardly goes beyond the level of egalitarianism or European Social Democracy, and that too is marred with residual feudal ideology. Encircled by feudal or capitalist environments, their eventual degeneration is not totally unexpected. They cannot be accepted into the communist leadership.

    The Second and the Fourth Congresses of the CI held in 1920 and 1922 respectively already identified the problem of bourgeois nationalists presenting them as socialists or communists: “Often, as the Second Congress of the Communist International pointed out, the representatives of bourgeois nationalism, exploiting the political and moral authority of Soviet Russia and adapting to the class instinct of the workers give their bourgeois-democratic aspirations a ‘socialist’ or a ‘Communist’ guise, in order – though they may not themselves be aware of it – to divert the first embryonic proletarian groups from the real tasks of a class organisation (the Eshil-Ordu party in Turkey giving a Communist coloration to its pan-Turkism; some representatives of the Kuomintang in China preaching ‘State Socialism’) (Fourth Congress, 1922)

    A signed article in Peking Review in 1976 discusses the specific problem as it appeared in China: “The deepening of the revolutionary mass debate has raised a number of thought-provoking questions: why is it that some people who were revolutionaries in the period of the new-democratic revolution have become capitalist-roaders in the period of the socialist revolution?” In the concluding section of the article the answer is given precisely: “ But because the party over a long period in the past led revolutionary movements which were bourgeois democratic in nature, many bourgeois and petty-bourgeois democrats joined the revolutionary ranks and the vanguard of the proletariat. Many who were educated in Marxism-Leninism and were tempered in protracted revolutionary struggles gradually abandoned their bourgeois world outlook and accepted or fostered the proletarian stand and world outlook. But there are a still a few who have been profoundly influenced by bourgeois ideology but have not accepted the Party’s education and remoulding , and their stand and world outlook remain unchanged.” (Chih Heng, PR No 13, March 26, 1976)

    C. To avert future debacles

    Learning from these past lessons and serious reversals, we need to find specific political and structural mechanisms against the possibility of elements from the bourgeoisie and intermediate groups and strata reaching and being accepted in the top leadership of the revolutionary party.
    Politically, accepting any section of the bourgeoisie as a leading partner, as in the National Democracy / Bhattarai’s sub-stage, and to expect this stage to fulfil some of the basic democratic tasks i.e. anti-feudal land reform is incompatible with today’s global imperialism. Thus, National Democracy has become generally obsolete. Second, the appropriate alternative stage of People’s Democracy, led by the worker-peasant alliance, with subordinate allies from some of the intermediate strata must necessarily be a non-perpetuating stage and should aim at defeating feudalism and comprador bourgeoisie, and neutralising or winning over the intermediate strata. Third, the interwoven nature of democracy and socialism must be paramount

    a. The membership of the communist party should be two-tiered. The candidate membership of non-proletarian domain must necessarily be much longer than that of proletarian candidates.
    b. When a member of non-proletarian domain has demonstrated consistently the ideology and life style of the bourgeoisie or the intermediate strata, his or her membership will be reverted back to candidacy.
    c. The Party vertical organisation must be as simple as possible. (As an example: between the Congresses, the Central Committee elected by the Congress is the supreme body. The CC elects an Executive Committee for day to day functioning of party policies and a Poliburo for day to day political guidance.)
    d. The central committee must have a majority quota for proletarian members and its membership is restricted to only those, who have been a full member of the Party for several years, irrespective of their previous status in any organisation they might have belonged to.
    e. There will be no post for a Chairman.

    Kumar Sarkar,
    11th January, 2012.

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