Revolution in South Asia

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For a revolutionary break in Nepal stalemates: Looking back and looking forward

Posted by hetty7 on June 19, 2012

“We had a type of peace and constitution before people’s war but in our analysis it was not pro-peopleto the contrary. It was a system that did not reflect their interests but only those of the entrenched bourgeois – feudal classes. Therefore the great people’s war was launched and a pro-people peace and constitution came to the forefront. But now they are trying to rebuild the system as it was before and this is unacceptable.  It will be designed to function for those who were the ruling class in the past.This creates the necessity of struggle for a pro-people settlement.”

The following is a significant statement from revolutionary forces previously within the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). Increasingly they are separating themselves organizationally from the old party, and seeking to chart a new course, for themselves and the people, toward a more decisive revolutionary break in Nepalese society.

This article originally appeared in Red Front and then on Democracy and Class Struggle.  It was published two days ago on Kasama.

The Challenge for the Nepalese Revolution

by Netra Bikram Chand (party name: Biplab)

The leadership of Baburam Bhatterai and Prachanda in the Nepalese revolution has disintegrated. It has shown that rightist reactionary politics emerged again in Nepal’s history.

The situation has become difficult because their leadership abandoned the goal of the People’s Federal Republic.

But because the proletarian current within the Party is strong the Party has not been damaged and even if we face temporary problems our revolution is safe.

Now the principal task of the revolutionary is to take the movement forward to victory.

We need to evaluate how Prachanda and Bhatterai diluted and corrupted our politics and reach a clear solution based on the points below.

1. Programme of the Constitution Assembly

The objective of the People’s War (PW) was a People’s Republic. After the sixth year of People’s War the Party held its second congress and Prachanda declared that the call for a Constitutional Assembly was a tactic towards achieving the strategic goal of a republic. At the same meeting the debate started a to how the former could mesh with the latter. Prachanda said further that the establishment of a Constituent Assembly (CA) would validate PW. But now the CA is not the instrument for enacting our programme but a weapon against it. It proves that the capitulationist policies of Prachanda and Bhatterai were cultivated under the call for a CA and that the PW was used as a mechanism for entering parliamentary institutions in an opportunist and reformist way.

There are two interesting facts regarding the Second Congress of the Party; firstly Bhatterai agreed to the Prachanda Path and secondly the meeting of Prachanda and Bhatterai with Delhi beforehand led to the call for a CA.

All leaders and cadre knew that Bhatterai was opposed to centralized leadership at the Fourth Plenum of the Party which was held in 1998 , saying it would lead to autocracy and counterrevolution.

Those close to Prachanda said this was against the communist principle of democratic centralism and that he was a rightist. Our Second Congress  ended this debate within the Party with centralized leadership  entering the Party’s ideology in the same way as Prachanda Path which after a three month dialogue became the ideology and policy of the party.

It is ironic that Bhatterai accepted this and became its leading spokesman. Our fraternal parties’ world-wide did not agree with this. If we go through these events we can see that Prachanda persuaded Bhatterai to accept Prachanda Path in return for him accepting the parliamentary road.

Another interesting point is that the demand for a CA, round-table conference and joint government appeared so suddenly at the Second Congress.  If we asked why it had happened in this way Prachanda answered cleverly that it was to give legitimacy to the PW.

We now know that the call for a CA was agreed by the Indian government and Bhatterai six months prior to the Second Congress.

2. Stage and sub-stage within the revolution

When the Party agreed about the CA at the time Bhatterai proposed stage and sub-stage theory which was opposed initially by comrades but gradually took root. Prachanda never officially criticized it but used to say in Party meetings that it was ‘bourgeois and rightist’. Bhatterai himself never used the term ‘bourgeois democracy’ until King Gyanendra’s seizure of power and dissolution of parliament in 2004.

But now it is proved that the stages of revolution proposed by Bhatterai was to fuse PW with bourgeois democracy.

3. Institutional development of republican democracy

The Chunwang Plenum in 2005 of the Party declared the tactic of republican democracy by making an alliance with the reactionary parties. It was intended as an interim move to pave the way for a People’ Republic (PR).

Prachanda clearly stated in a Party document that the communist party will  convert this stage into a PR; that the status quo parties will try to establish bourgeois capitalism and that at this same point the revolution will be focused. The whole party agreed with this but after the 2006 Andolan (uprising) and the overthrow of Gyanendra, Bhatterai then began to use the term ‘republican democracy’

. For our part cadres never discussed in detail the implications of the institutional development of this project. This term clearly implied that it was a pro-people’s state but that it was never the strategy of the Party. It was not conducive for a semi-feudal, neo-colonial country like Nepal where the social structures remained the same.

It was always accepted within the Party that republican democracy was a transitional tactic towards a People’s Republic and no more. Out strategy remained for the latter but Bhatterai’s concept of institutional development had the effect of freezing that transition and worse entrenching bourgeois capitalist democracy. This is not the eventual aim of a communist party and is capitulationist to abandon the revolution to change the social and economic structure and the general  capitalist characteristics of the state.

4. Peace and Constitution

Now Prachanda  and Bhatterai are focused on peace and constitution as if all else is illusion.

They want a bourgeois constitution spelt out and are criticizing those who want a revolutionary settlement for peace and constitution.

The fact is that we do not want a constitution with bourgeois characteristics but instead one that will secure the rights of peasants, workers, janjatis, Dalits, women and Peoples Liberation Army (PLA). None of this is mentioned in the proposals that have put forth.

Yes we need peace and constitution but one that is clearly defined. What we have today asks the question as to how we can bring real peace. And what did we struggle for in PW.

These are the questions we need to concentrate on. We had a type of peace and constitution before PW but in our analysis it was not pro-people – to the contrary. It was a system that did not reflect their interests but only those of the entrenched bourgeois-feudal classes. Therefore, the great PW was launched and a pro-people peace and constitution came to the forefront. But now they are trying to rebuild the system as it was before and this is unacceptable.  It will be designed to function for those who were the ruling class in the past. This creates the necessity of struggle for a pro-people settlement.

5. Republican Democracy

The political line of Prachanda and Bhatterai has trapped them within the confines of bourgeois republican democracy. The reasons they give for accepting it is because of the difficulties for revolutionaries given the national and international balance of forces. This is not true; the fact is that this has led them to a rightist and opportunist position.

These are the same people who declared the previous bourgeois democratic system as reactionary and were leaders in PW to end it. It is clear that bourgeois democrats favour capitalism and we would be mistaken  if we believed that this system benefits our people.

These are the same people who use to say that we have to complete our revolution and establish a People’s Republic but who now say it is an ‘ultra-leftist’ and ‘dogmatic’ aspiration which is against a lasting peace. Now their activities in collecting the names of the revolutionary leaders from the districts and villages shows they are not only rightist and capitulationist but fascist. We know that the eventual outcome of capitalist democracy in an age of imperialism  is fascism and it appears that Prachanda and Bhatterai by advocating and implementing this system are working towards this outcome.


The Maoist party that started the PW that organized and administered the liberated zones and the PLA became the centre of international revolution but Prqachanda and Bhatterai have surrendered this to Delhi, Nepali Congress, UML, and the forces of reaction by announcing the end of the PW, the dismantlement of dual-power institutions of People’s Courts, communes and the PLA. Under their leadership the revolution is collapsing. Why has this happened?

To answer this question we must go to the point during PW when they introduced the CA and round-table conferences as two stages of struggle and it was the logical outcome of their plan of establishing bourgeois republican democracy. In short we can say that their agenda became consolidated when Prachanda assimilated Bhatterai’s ideology and politics.

Revolutionary Responsibilities

Their betrayal of the Nepalese reolution has created a crisis but is not fatal to the revolution, we can rise to the challenge and we should. Therefore we have duties and should not delay in fulfilling our responsibilities by concentrating on the four points below.

1)Protecting Our Revolutionary Ideology

Now they are attacking Marxist-Leninist-Maoism by using it to argue that Nepal’s specific objective conditions require the revolution to acquire bourgeois-capitalist characteristics and cannot be used as a model for world revolution. Communists, in short, should  accept multi-party democracy in a bourgeois capitalist state. Because of this all our dual-power structures were dismantled, dissolved and disrupted. We have to take a stand against this dilution of our revolutionary praxis. We have to counter-attack this ideology which blocks the revolution by establishing bourgeois democracy and entrenching capitalism. There is no doubt that presently social-democracy reflects the crisis in capitalism.

2) Formation of Revolutionary Centres

Dismantling the leadership of Prachanda and Bhatterai wil leave a vacuum that revolutionaries must fill. They are already rightist revisionists whatever form of ‘revolutionary’ rhetoric they use and this has become a major problem facing our revolution.

The Two-Line struggle within the Party formed the foundation of revolutionary leadership but formally Prachanda is the leader of the Party so it made it easier for them to implement a rightist/revisionist programme and more difficult to implement a revolutionary one. If we want to solve this problem we have to address the question of revolutionary leadership. We know very well that the leadership  should match our ideology otherwise we cannot complete the revolution. If we have the appropriate ideology and plan without the complementary leadership nothing will advance.

It is agreed inside the Party that up to now the situation has been favourable for the revolution in Nepal, especially as there is a burning desire among the many marginalized for fundamental change. But Prachanda and Bhatterai have shown themselves not prepared to represent and to organize for such an eventuality.

They are not ready to take the revolutionary risk. Therefore, to be practical it is not that difficult for us to break with this timorous approach and move forward boldly.

3) Alternative People’s State

Only a People’s state can provide the alternative for their rights and liberation. Parliamentary capitalism cannot fulfill such tasks, but presently Prachanda and Bhatterai are the spokespersons for this policy. They are saying there is no other route than bourgeois democracy and represents how rightist and capitulationist their thinking has become. It creates difficulties for the people and we should protest against it.

Dual-power structures established to serve the people during PW have been cleverly, gradually and wrongly destroyed by Prachanda.  To serve this aim Prachanda rhetorically raised the slogan for urban revolution and many sincere revolutionaries believed him although the real agenda was to drag the Party towards reformist parliamentarism.

In fact, in the final analysis it became counter-productive for Prachanda.

Now there are fresh opportunities to re-unify the movement and People’s Democracy. Inside the drama of the CA the attitudes of strengthening parliamentary became prevalent. People’s rights are to be terminated and genuflection made to the international power-brokers of imperialism which has inspired a strong people’s resistance against this trend.

4) Revolutionary struggle

Without struggle the old will not die and the new cannot be born and while the parliamentary system is here we must direct our energies against it After the election for last CA we did not try to reorganize our revolution. The most extreme slogans of Prachanda were must made to confuse revolutionaries.

There are the problems for farmers and peasants with Prachanda returning the expropriated lands to the feudal zamindars (landlords). There are problems for workers but Prachanda and Bhatterai are considering denying them the right to strike. While we talk about problems  for our national sovereignty they sign yet more unequal treaties. They are not taking responsibility for the day-to-day problems faced by ordinary people. Yet they criticize  revolutionaries as ‘ultra-left’ for addressing these issues. These examples prove that they are preparing to ban further struggles but the revolutionary current is strong in the country and the people support it. There is no alternative but for us to re-organize the revolutionary forces in the coming days and months.


The Prachanda and Bhatterai axis is already discredited within the Nepalese revolution. It is the reality as they have proved over the last six years  that they are agents of capitalist parliamentary democracy. This is reflected in the dismemberment of People’s dual-power structures and their personal financial corruption. This is further proof that Bhatterai’s agenda of a revolutionary sub-stage and Prachanda’s adoption of that stratagem , which has resulted in their abandonment of revolutionary communism for bourgeois capitalist democracy.

The rightist alignment within the Party should be the target for revolutionaries and carried out according to Marxist-Leninist-Maoist principles. It should be transformed and re-integrated into the revolutionary forces or eliminated. After the identifying the rightist/reformist trend within the Party it will not remain long.

Logically there is an alternative to the capitalist parliamentary system and that is the People’s Republic which will address and solve the problems of the people. This will be achieved by communists and democratic- patriotic giving leadership in respect of permanent peace and the development and prosperity of the country.

There is no other way and it is the necessity for the revolutionary centre to establish a People’s Republic. We have to accept this truth and implement this strategy.  This is the prime responsibility for revolutionaries and one which will raise the Nepalese revolution to new heights.

4 Responses to “For a revolutionary break in Nepal stalemates: Looking back and looking forward”

  1. Alex de Jong: One divides into two – Nepal’s Maoists in crisis (International Viewpoint)

  2. hidayat said

    We agree with the statement that The Maoist party that started the PW that organized and administered the liberated zones and the PLA became the centre of international revolution. Therefore, we also refuse Bhatterai axis and on the contrary we support revolution in Nepal based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. The decline of Nepal revolution is decline of international working class struggle sot that we always oppose revisionists who betray people revolutionary struggle…

  3. marwey said

    The flag of revolution is “again” flying. LONG LIVE TO THE REVOLUTION.

  4. Ka Frank said

    From Frontlines of Revolutionary Struggle

    Nepal: The new Maoist party meets, and sets its course

    Communist Party of Nepal –Maoist
    Central Committee Press Communique

    A national convention of the revolutionary faction of the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) successfully held on June 16-18, 2012 concluded amid inaugural session, closed session and concluding session in the premises of Sherpa Sewa Samaj building in Bouddha, Kathmandu. The programmes run in the historic national convention in which several important decisions have been taken are as follows.

    1. Inaugural session:

    Conducted by comrade C. P. Gajurel, secretary of the UCPN (Maoist), a grand inaugural session, in which there was a huge participation of the masses along with party general secretary comrade Badal, standing committee members comrade Dev Gurung and comrade Netra Bikram Chand, politburo members, central committee members and members of the central advisory committee, was held under the chair of vice chairman comrade Kiran.

    The inaugural session began with lively and enthusiastic singing of the International by Samana cultural troupe.
    A one-minute silence was observed to pay emotional tributes to martyrs, who attained martyrdom in the glorious People’s War and various other people’s movements.
    Vice Chairman comrade Kiran formally inaugurated the convention by lighting a traditional oil-fed lamp and delivered a speech shedding light on the need to build a new type of communist party by breaking relationship with the opportunist group.

    Standing committee member comrade Netra Bikram Chand (Biplab) delivered a welcome speech and shed light on the significance of the convention.
    Chairman of All Nepal Dalit Liberation Front comrade Tilak Pariyar, chairman of Madhesi Liberation Front comrade Krishnadev Singh Danuwar, chairperson of All Nepal Women’s Association (Revolutionary) comrade Jayapuri Ghartimagar, chairman of Federation of All Nepal Indigenous Nationalities comrade Suresh Alemagar, chairman of the Association of Families of Disappeared during the People’s War comrade Ekraj Bhandari, comrade Parbat on behalf of the association of wounded and disabled fighters during People’s War etc. delivered their speeches wishing for the success of the convention.
    The inaugural session was, then, declared concluded.

    2. Closed Session:
    Chaired by comrade Mohan Baidya ‘Kiran’, the senior chairman of our party, the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), and conducted by the general secretary Ram Bahadur Thapa ‘Badal’, the closed session of the national convention of the revolutionary faction of our great and glorious party, was started from the early morning. In the closed session, discussion and deliberation were held on the proposed agenda in a democratic atmosphere and the decisions taken are as follows:

    Comrade Kiran presented the political report on behalf of the central committee and shed light on it in brief.
    Politburo member Pampha Bhusal read out the political report.
    Standing committee member Dev Gurung presented the interim constitution of the party.
    Politburo member Hitman Shakya ‘Suman’ announced the central committee decision of dividing the participants in 21 groups to systematise discussion on the political report and party’s interim constitution and accordingly group-wise discussion proceeded.

    The team leaders of different groups presented the conclusion of the discussion and their suggestions in the Convention. Comrade Prithivi Karki from group one, Comrade Sharada Pokhrel from group two, comrade Mousam from group three, comrade Roshan Janakpuri from group four, comrade Suvas from group five, comrade Dhiran from group six, comrade Laxmi Mudbari from group seven, comrade Sudip from group eight, comrade Birgunj from group nine, comrade Gunaraj Lohani from group ten, comrade Ajit Singh from group eleven, comrade Indrajit Tharu from group twelve, comrade Akhanda from group thirteen, comrade Gambhir from group fourteen, comrade Sarad Singh Bhandari from group fifteen, comrade Ishwar Chandra Gyawali from group sixteen, comrade Laxman Pant from group seventeen, comrade Ramdip Acharya from group eighteen, comrade Ekraj Bhandari from group nineteen, comrade Udaya Chalaune from group twenty, comrade Hasta Bahadur KC from group twenty-one presented the views and suggestions of their respective groups on the political report and the interim constitution in which there was general agreement in the basic spirit and essence of the political report.

    Following the presentation of suggestions from different groups, a meeting of the central committee of the ideological faction was held and it decided to respect the opinions and views presented by different groups and accordingly enrich the political report and the interim constitution by incorporating important suggestions.
    Based on the position of central committee, vice chairman comrade Kiran presented his clarification on the political report. Similarly, standing committee member comrade Dev Gurung presented necessary clarification on the interim constitution.
    General Secretary comrade Ram Bahadur Thapa ‘Badal’ placed the political report and interim constitution for adoption before the national Convention. And the National Convention adopted both the proposals unanimously.

    i) The salient features and the conclusion of the political report can be presented as follows.

    Firstly, the report has analyzed the present national situation. The main reasons behind the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly without writing constitution are said to be the inaction and incompetence of the principal leaders of the big parties in addition to the domestic and foreign reactionary conspiracy. Admitting that the contradiction between comprador, bureaucratic bourgeoisie and feudal class and Indian expansionism at one pole and the broad Nepalese people at the other is the principal contradiction, the political report has, thus, stressed on the need to raise strong voice in defence of national independence. Similarly, analyzing the international situation, it is stated that the contradiction between the imperialism and the oppressed nations is the principal contradiction at present. In this course, the report says that the United States of America and other imperialist countries have undergone economic crisis; it has had serious negative impact on the life of the people all across the world and it has hinted that this situation is leading to create a multi-polar world. And accepting that the subjective forces are weak compared to the objective situation, it has laid special emphasis on the need to create that kind of strength on the part of genuine revolutionary communist parties in the world.

    The report has summed up the events developed after the initiation of great People’s War, the party task and revolution. They are as follows:
    Even though the policy that the Second National Conference had adopted vis-à-vis the all party conference, interim government and writing of the constitution under its leadership was basically correct as a tactic, but the report has drawn up a conclusion that it had opened up the door for the party to get entrapped in opportunism and it has concluded that the naming of the series of ideas developed in the form of centralized expression of the collective leadership in the form of Prachanda Path has been proved to be wrong through practice.

    2. In the draft proposal of Democracy of the 21st century, the Central Committee had accepted that the role of friendly parties will be competitive not only cooperative. But in course of peace talk, it seemed that party started to compete politically with the other forces, which are not friendly. So it has been concluded that the main objective of presenting that proposal in the Central Committee was to give up the goal of people’s democratic and proletariat state power. Also, it has been concluded that it is necessary to develop democracy in the Communist Party, People’s Liberation Army and the New State.

    3. In the backdrop when the democratic republic adopted as a tactic by Chunwang meeting has turned into strategy and showing the Chunwang position that the analysis of imperialism by Lenin and Mao has lagged behind, the strategic adoption of the old parliamentarian politics by saying that there is a need to develop strategy and tactic in a new way has been concluded to be wrong.

    4. Without guaranteeing to establish the achievement of People’s War and Mass Movement, the hasty compromise reached in the agreements including 12-point, 8-point, Comprehensive Peace Agreement etc. has seriously hurt at the credence and value of the Nepalese revolution, people’s war and the Nepalese people’s expectation and aspiration of transformation. In the process of revolution agreements can and should be made. But, while doing so, one must not have betrayed the interest of the proletariat, masses of the people and revolution as well. However, the same has happened.

    5. Party’s revolutionary faction has been working hard to correct every mistake, weakness and deviation and in this respect the conventions and the meetings including in Kharipati and Palungtar have played important role in this regard.

    6. The creation of People’s Liberation Army, establishment of base areas and people’s government, role played by workers, peasants, women, indigenous nationalities and Dalits; and the awareness developed in this whole process are some of the major achievements we have gained and taking all these in a positive sense a conclusion has been drawn up that we have to move forward by standing upon this base.

    7. One of the main decisions made by this historical national convention is that there is a serious right neo-revisionist deviation in both Prachanda and Baburam. Admitting that they had played a positive role in the course of revolution and the great people’s war, a conclusion has been drawn up that they have undergone a serious deviation in the later period. This kind of deviation has surfaced in every realm of theory, politics, philosophy, strategy, tactics and conduct as well. In the situation when this deviation has been manifested in rightist liquidationism, class and national capitulationism and when the party has been changing its colour it has been decided that the formation of a new type of the communist party is a must. And, realizing the fact that there are several revolutionary comrades within this neo-revisionist group, we have taken up decision to appeal all of them to be a part of the revolutionary current by rebelling from such opportunism.

    8. It has been decided to organise Party Congress on the coming February 12, 2013. Also it has been decided to keep the door for unity open till the Party Congress if the leadership of the neo-revisionist group corrects the mistakes and transforms oneself.

    9. The convention has decided to defend the present achievements like republic, federalism and secularism. And in the present situation when the country is still in a semi-feudal, semi-colonial and neo-colonial condition, admitting that the need to make a new democratic revolution in Nepal is a must, the convention has decided to go along the process of revolution. In the present context, the establishment of People’s Federal Republic and the question of defending National independence have been adopted as the main political tactics.

    10. When the dreams of workers, peasants, women, Dalits, indigenous nationalities and the masses of the oppressed region manifested in the great people’s war, mass movements, Madhesh movements and the same conducted by indigenous nationalities and the masses from the oppressed region have not been fulfilled and when the domestic and foreign reactionaries and also the opportunists from the party have betrayed the process of writing constitution, a decision has been taken to march ahead along the direction of preparation of Nepalese revolution through people’s insurrection by taking up the issues of class emancipation, the federalism with identity, inclusive proportional representation, privilege and the prerogative etc.

    11. Paying attention to the worthlessness of the reinstatement and re-election of the CA in the present context when the CA has been dissolved, it has been decided that the tactic of All Party Round Table Assembly, United Interim Government and the new political way out through this is the correct tactic and it should be made complementary to the main tactic of People’s Federal Republic and the defence of national independence.

    12. By way of waging ideological struggle against neo-revisionism, the convention has taken decision of organising a systematic, disciplined and revolutionary party, preparing a code of conduct from the CC and firmly implementing it and systematizing people’s volunteers and mass organisations. Also, a decision has been taken to build a united front comprising of the forces including patriots, republicans, leftists and pro-federalism forces.

    13. Decisions have been taken to wage struggle for organising Roundtable Assembly, building United Interim Government, developing immediate tactics for the new political way out, defending national independence, providing full respite to the martyr’s families, making public the fighters disappeared by the state during people’s war, conducting resistance struggle against corrupted and comprador elements, resolving the burning problems of people’s livelihood and controlling price-hike and corruption.

    14. The main aspects of the party’s interim constitution adopted by the Convention are as follows:

    The guiding principle of party will be Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
    The party which is being organised by breaking relations with opportunists will be named as the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist.
    The tasks related to Party organization, mass organisations, department etc. will be systematised, party will be made well-disciplined and militant on the basis of collective decision and committee system. Financial transparency and audit system will be emphasised.

    15. After the political resolution and interim constitution of the party were adopted, the central committee meeting was held with the chairmanship of the eldest member Comrade Ishwori Dahal i.e. Ashare Kaka. The meeting elected Comrade Kiran as Chairman, Comrade Badal as General Secretary, Comrade C. P. Gajurel as Secretary, Comrade Dev Gurung and Comrade Netra Bikram Chand as Standing Committee Members and also decided to continue with the same Polite Bureau Members, CCMs, and the Advisory Committee members who were since before in the revolutionary faction. And, it was decided to float a proposal for the mandate to include more comrades in the CC.

    16. Comrade Ram Bahadur Thapa presented the decision adopted by the CC before the National Convention for adoption and all those decisions were adopted unanimously.

    17. Comrade C. P. Gajurel presented the proposal on current issues and it was adopted unanimously.

    3. Closing Session

    a. Finally, the National Convention was concluded. In this concluding session Comrade Kunta Sharma from advisory committee, Comrade Takma K.C. from the martyr’s family, Comrade Bishnu Pukar Shrestha from intellectual, and Comrade Maila Lama from the Cultural Front delivered their best wishes and happiness for the success of the Convention. At last, Comrade Kiran, along with his commitment to firmly propelling the party task and revolution forward, delivered his concluding speech by saying thanks to all who contributed for the success of the Convention.

    B. At the last, the programme was concluded with chanting of the revolutionary slogans in an emotional and animated atmosphere.

    Dated: June 19, 2012

    With revolutionary Salute!

    Ram Bahadur Thapa “Badal” Mohan Baidya ” Kiran”

    General Secretary Chairman

    CPN-Maoist CPN-Maoist

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